r^
rARBOH i
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
Ontario
Legislative Library
"HUR H. ChARK COMPANY
.l.<'rsan(i nookiellera, 1
DM'
CHRISTOPHER GIST'S
JOURNALS '■'''^^
■.' '* WITH
f-
HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL AND
ETHNOLOGICAL NOTES
AND
Biographies of his Contemporaries
BY
WILLIAM M. DARLINGTON
9i
'^ ''^^V.?J #^ PITTSBURGH
f);^?"""'" J. R. WELDIN & CO.
•89?
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introductory Memoir 9
Gist's Three Journals 3'
Christopher Gist 88
Notes to Christopher Gist's First Journal of 1750-51 90
Notes to Gist's Second Journal, 1751-52 i37
Notes to Christopher Gist's Third Journal, 1753 i47
A Journal Descriptive of Some of the French Forts 148
The Montours 'S^
Andrew Montour '59
George Croghan *76
Thomas Cresap 202
General James Grant 207
Guyasuta 2'°
Treaty of Lancaster 217
Ohio Company 220
Walpole Grant 241
Wm. Trent & Co 245
Captain Trent 249
John Peter Salley 253
Scheme for a New Settlement 261
Robert Orme 267
Extracts from Analysis of Map ; . . . . 271
Pownall's Account of Lead Plate 273
Ensign Ward's Deposition 275
Letters and Speeches to Indians 279
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR.
The riches realized by Spain and Portugal in the sixteenth
century from their newly acquired possessions in America
excited amongst enterprising Englishmen a determination to
establish colonies in that part of the Northern Continent
extending from Canada to Florida, claimed for England in
right of its discovery by the Cabots ; also, to seek new dis-
coveries, and especially a short passage through the interior
of the country to the South Sea.
In April, 1585, colonists were sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh,
and in the following month of August they landed on the island
of Roanoke, on the eastern border of the present State of North
Carolina, and there commenced the first English settlement in
America. After exploring the neighboring rivers and sounds,
they were induced by the relation of the Indians respecting
the river Meratue (Roanoke) to attempt its exploration and
endeavor to reach the head thereof, which the natives told
them sprang from a huge rock near the sea, thirty or forty
days' voyage westward, and " in that abundance that it forth-
with maketh a most violent stream."
In March, 1586, Governor Ralph Lane, with two boats and
forty men, ascended the river about one hundred miles (near
to the present town of Halifax), hoping, as he afterwards
wrote, for the discovery of a gold mine or a passage to the
South Sea ; but they were assailed by hostile Indians and so
nearly starved that " they ate their two mastiff dogs boiled
a (9)
10 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
with Sassafras leaves, and were compelled to return." ' Their
voyage is memorable for being the earliest attempt by
the English to explore the interior of America from the
Atlantic westward. The relation of the Indians to the col-
onists has been stigmatized by historians as "extravagant
tales, which nothing but cupidity could have credited."''
Now as the Roanoke, by its meanderings, is four hundred
miles in length, thirty to forty days would be required to
ascend to its source. Its various head springs, on the main
ridge of the Alleghenies, in Montgomery County, Virginia,
are scarce a mile from the waters of the Kanawha, or New
River, and but eight miles from its main channel. The rela-
tion of the Indians was, in this respect at least, true, for the
Roanoke does "forthwith make a most violent stream;"
issuing by numerous creeks from this elevated tract and unit-
ing into one body, it soon becomes the "rapid Roanoke," and
on reaching Salem, in Roanoke County, " has fallen one thou-
sand feet in little more than twenty miles." '
The natives, probably, meant, if their " tales " were rightly
interpreted, that the head of the Roanoke was near another
stream whose waters flowed to another and distant sea. The
city, rich with gold and pearls, they called Chaunis Temocatan,
was Mexico or Tetuan, its ancient name.
Discouraged by the prospect, the colonists abandoned their
settlement and returned to England, with the fleet of Sir
Francis Drake, in the following month of June. Subsequent
attempts by Raleigh and some of his associates to re-estab-
lish the colony at Roanoke failed disastrously, almost ruining
the fortune of the illustrious author of the project.
1 Hakluyt's " Voyages," Vol. III. Lane and Harriot's Relation.
» Bancroft's " History of the United States," Vol. I, p. 99. Burke's
"History of Virginia," Vol. I, p. 56.
« Martin's "Geographical Gazetteer of Virginia," p. 53.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. II
\
Twenty years later, on May 14, 1606, the first permanent
settlement by the English in America commenced at James-
town, on the Powhatan or James River, and a week thereafter
Captain Christopher Newport, with Captain John Smith and
a company of twenty-three persons, sailed in a shallop from
"James Fort " up the river, "with a perfect resolution not to
return, but either to finde the heade of this ryver, the lake
mentioned by others heretofore, the Sea againe, the moun-
taynes Apalatsi or some issue."'
They reached the Falls, at the site of the present city of
Richmond, and on an islet in the river erected a wooden cross
and proclaimed King James "with a greate showte.'" The
Governing Council in England had instructed them that the
"Discovery of the South Sea (Pacific) as the certain and
infallible way to immense riches was an object of which they
were ever solicitous and intent." '
The successful establishment of the colony was of much
less importance than searching for mines of gold or explora-
tions westward by means of navigable rivers. In the summer
of the following year Captain John Smith explored the Chesa-
peake Bay to the Susquehanna, entering into all the rivers
and inlets as far as he could sail, of all of which he constructed
an admirable map. In the fall of the same year Captain
Newport returned from a visit to England with a private com-
mission " Not to return without a lump of gold, a certainty
of the South Sea, or one of the lost colony of Sir Walter
Raleigh." He also had a large barge built, in five pieces, for
convenience of carriage beyond the Falls, to convey them to«
the South Sea. With a number of boats and one hundred
1 Captain Newport's " Discoveries," 1607. British State Paper Office.
"Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society," Vol. IV, p. 40.
2 Id., p. 47. Smith's "Virginia," Vol. I, p. 151.
' Smith's "Virginia," p. 43.
12 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
and twenty men he ascended the river to the Falls, and thence
explored by land about forty miles farther on the south side
of the stream to two towns of the Monacan Indians, return-
ing, wearied and disappointed, by the same path after an inef-
fectual search for rich mines. The " quartered boat " was
too cumbrous to be carried around the Falls, as Smith states,
by even five hundred men, sarcastically adding " that if burned
to ashes one might have carried her in a bag." ' The desire
for further exploration seems to have subsided for many
years ; wars with the natives, their own dissensions, a con-
stant struggle for the means of subsistence, and the cultiva-
tion of tobacco occupied the attention of the colonists. In
1624 the petition of the Virginia Company to the House of
Commons enumerates among other advantages accruing to
England in their view and expectation, by the success of the
colony, is the " no small hopes of an early and short passage
to the South Sea, either by Sea or Land."
The prevailing illusion respecting the short distance across
the continent was not entirely dispelled until near the close
of the century and after the discovery and exploration of the
Mississippi by the French became generally known.
Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia, was informed
by the Indians, in 1648, " that within five dayes journey to the
Westward and by South there is a great high mountaine, and
at foot thereof great Rivers that run into a great Sea ; and
that there are men that come hither in ships, (but not the
same that ours be) they wear apparell and have reed caps on
their heads, and ride on Beasts like our horses, but have much
longer ears, and other circumstances they declare for the cer-
tainty of these things." ^ These rivers, doubtless, were those
> Smith's " History," Vol. I, p. 201.
.2 «j^ Perfect Description of Virginia," 1649, Vol. Ill, of Tracts, p. 13.
Also in Massachusetts Historical Society Collection, Vol. IX, Second
Series, p. 105.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 1 3
now known as the Kanawha, Kentucky, Cumberland and
Tennessee, whose waters flow from the western slope of
the Allegheny Mountains to the Ohio and Mississippi and
into the Gulf of Mexico, long before frequented by Spaniards.
Governor Berkeley made preparations for discovery in person,
with a company of fifty horse and fifty footmen, but abandoned
the enterprise, probably in consequence of the disastrous
results to the king in his contest with the Parliament engag-
ing his attention — Berkeley being a firm Royalist.
The author of a tract — entitled " A Perfect Description of
Virginia, etc.,"' published in London in 1649, wrote, that "for
their better knowledge of the Land they dwell in, the Planters
resolve to make a further Discovery into the Country, West
and by South up above the Fall, and we are confident upon
what they have learned from the Indians to find a way to a
West or South Sea by Land or rivers, and to discover a way
to China and East Indies, or unto some other Sea that
shall carry them thither ; " and that " Sir Francis Drake was
on the back of Virginia in his Voyage about the World in 37
degrees just opposite to Virginia, and called Nova Albion. And
now all the question is only how broad the Land may be to that
place from the head of James River above the Falls, but all
men conclude if it be not narrow, yet that there is and will be
found the like rivers issuing into a South Sea or West Sea on
the other side of those Hills, as there is on this side, when
they run from the West into an East Sea, after a course of
150 miles,"
Prior to Governor Berkeley's administration, Walter Austin
and others obtained from the Assembly, in 1642, the passage of
an Act, authorizing them " to undertake the discovery of a new
river or unknown land, bearing west, southerly from Appo-
1" Force's Tracts," Vol. II. Massachusetts Historical Collection,
Vol. IX, Second Series, p. 105.
14 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
matake River."' It does not appear, however, that any attempt
at exploration was made until the year 1650, when Edward
Bland having petitioned the Assembly and obtained like
authority in August and September of that year, in company
with Edward Pennant, Abrahame Wood and Sackford Brew-
ster, two Indian chiefs as guides, and two servants, explored
southwest from Appomattox (now Petersburgh) to the Falls of
Roanoke, or as they named the rapids, Blandina, above and
near the present city of Halifax, North Carolina, and not far
above the point on that river reached by Raleigh's colonists,
sixty-five years before. This discovery was deemed of such
importance as to occasion, in the year following, the publica-
tion in London of a narrative of the journey. In 1652 Col-
onel William Clayborne, Captain Henry Fleet, and their associ-
ates, were authorized by the Assembly to make discoveries,
"and take up lands by pattents and enjoy benefits and trades as
they shall find out in places where no English have ever been
and discovered." The same day "the like order is granted
to Major Abra Wood and his associates."
In the following year, the Assembly authorized any per-
sons "to discover the Mountains, Provided they go with a
considerable partie and strength, both of men and ammuni-
tion."^ No farther attempt at exploration seems to have been
made until the year 1669, when John Lederer, a German Sur-
geon, commissioned by Governor Berkeley to make discoveries,
on March 9th, with three Indians, left the Falls of Pemen-
cock (Pamunky) on York River, from an Indian village called
Schickehanini — probably the old Indian town near the now
noted "White House."* The next day he passed through the
marshy grounds between the Pamunky and head-waters of
'"Laws of Virginia," p. 267.
^ " Oldmixon's British Empire in America," Vol. I, p. 382.
5 Jefferson, 1751.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 15
the Matenenenhah (Mattepony), in the present King William
County, and crossed the Pamunky at its head/ formed by the
confluence of the North and South Anna Rivers, in Hanover
County.'' Continuing along the South Anna River, on the
13th he reached the first spring of the Pamunky,' a head of
the South Anna, near the present Gordonsville. On the 14th
he discovered from a high hill,* the "Apelatean" Mountains'
to the west. Next day, the iSth, they passed over the South
Branch of the Rappahannock, or Rapid Anne River," and on
the 17th reached the Blue Ridge, in the present county of
Madison. He ascended to the top of the mountain and found
it very cold, with much snow ; noticed the high mountain ranges
westward and the Atlantic Ocean southeastward ; descended
and returned by the course he went out.
On the 20th of May, 1670, Lederer began his second expe-
dition, in company with one Major Harris,' twenty Christian
horsemen and five Indians. They marched from the Falls of
James River to the Monakin^ village, probably the same as
marked on Fry and Jefferson's Map of 1751, on James River,
in the present county of Cumberland, and continued westward
one hundred miles farther to what he calls "the south branch
of James River," and which " Major Harris vainly supposed
to be an arm of the Lake of Canada," as he observed it ran
» In 1656.
^ The peninsula between these two rivers he mentions bears the name
of Tottopottemen, a great Indian king, slain in battle for the whites
against their Indian enemies.
' A small creek that still bears this name.
, * Southwest mountain in Orange County.
5 Blue Ridge.
^ In Orange County.
' Major William Harris of the Regiment of Charles City and Henrico
Counties.
* Tuscarora.
l6 CHRISTOPHER GISX's JOURNALS.
northward, " and was inclined to erect a pillar in memory of
the Discovery." It seems evident from the description, dis-
tance given and his map, that they had reached the James
River, at its bend to the north, a few miles east from the
the present city of Lynchburg, in Campbell County. Here he
parted from his company, excepting one Susquehanna Indian,
and then went south to the Roanoke, to the Island and town
of Akenatzi^ where he was well received. Here he met four
strange Indians, survivors of fifty who had come, Lederer
says, "from some land by the Sea to the northwest," (probably
the great Lakes.) He calls them Rickahickans and states that
" they were treacherously killed in the night by the Indians of
Akenatzi." He conjectured that these strange Indians came
from an arm or bay of the Sea of California, which he sup-
posed stretched up into the continent. From Akenatzi he
journeyed southward into Carolina and thence returned to
Akamatuch.
These strange Indians, or Rickahickans, doubtless were
fugitives of the tribe known as Eries, or the Nation of the
Cat, whose country was on the south shore of Lake Erie.
They were conquered and destroyed as a nation by the Iro-
quois in 1654-5.
The Fathers call the tribe Riguehronnous, or those of the
Cat Nation.'' The considerable number of the defeated Eries
or Rickahickans appear to have reached Virginia in 1655,
about which time the Iroquois completed their conquest.' A
1 On " Fry and Jefferson's " Map the Occoneachy is laid down at the
junction of the Staunton (Roanoke) and Dan Rivers, in the present Meck-
lenburg County. See also " Byrd's Journey to the Land of Eden." Rich-
mond, 1866, p. 5.
2 "Jesuit Relations," 1660, p. 7, Vol. III. Id., 1661, p. 29.
» See Charlevoix's " History of New France," Vol. II, p. 266 and note.
Parkman's "Jesuits in America," pp. 438-441.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. I?
special law was passed to remove by force "the new-come
western and inland Indians drawn from the Mountaines and
lately sett downe near the falls of James River to the number
of six or seven hundred.'"
Captain Edward Hill, at the head of lOO men, assisted by
Tottopottemen, King of the Pomukies, with lOO warriors,
attacked the Rickahickans. The allies were defeated, Totto-
pottemen slain. Captain Hill was cashiered for his conduct
and his estate charged with the cost of procuring a peace
with the Rickahickans. It is probable that with the fugitive
Eries were some of the Neutres and Hurons, kindred tribes,
and also routed by the Iroquois.'
On August 30th of the same year, Lederer again set out,
in company with Captain Collet, nine Englishmen and five
Indians. They first went to the Falls of Rappahannock, near
the present Fredericksburg ; next day they passed the junction
of the Rapid Anna, in Culpepper County, and keeping
along the north side of the Rappahannock, on the 26th reached
the Blue Ridge, in the present county of Rappahannock;
there they ascended the summit of the mountain, observed
and noted the great mountain range east and west. The cold
prevented them from proceeding any farther, and they re-
turned, having penetrated much farther northwestward than
any one previously. Inconsiderable as the distance may now
seem, Lederer was convinced those persons were in error
who supposed it but eight or ten days' journey from the At-
lantic to the Indian Ocean, and that an arm or bay of the Sea
of California extended up into the country. Nor were there
to be found on the west of the mountains large rivers, like
' Hening, p. 402.
' Hening, p. 423, Burke's "History of Virginia," Vol. II, pp. 104-107.
See also Galletin, in " Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society,"
Vol. II, p. 73. Evan's "Analysis," 1755, p. 13.
l8 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
those on the east. His opinions evidently were changed by
the information obtained from the unfortunate stranger or
Erie Indians.
In the year 1671, under authority of Governor Berkeley, a
commission was granted by Major-General Abrahame Wood,
"for ye finding out of the ebbing and flowing of ye water
behind the mountains in order to the Discovery of the South
Sea." Accordingly, Thomas Batts, Thomas Woods and
Robert Fallam, with Jack Nesan, servant, and Perecute,
chief of the Appomattox Indians, as guide, left the town of
Appomattox, near where Petersburgh now stands, on the
first day of September, 1671, and travelling westward, on the
4th arrived at the " Sapong Town," in the present county of
Charlotte, near the little Roanoke River ; there they were
joined by seven Appomattox Indians and a Sapon also, as a
guide, and by nightfall of the day following, the 5th, they
reached the " Hanohaski " ^ Indian town, on an island in the
Sapon River, (evidently the Long Island in the Roanoke, op-
posite the mouth of Seneca Creek, in Campbell County). On
the next day they recommenced their journey, leaving Thomas
Woods at the Indian town " dangerously sick."
On the 7th they came in sight of the mountains (the Blue
Ridge, in Bedford County) ; on the 8th and 9th they passed
along the Roanoke River and over the Blue Ridge. Arriving
at a town of the Totero Indians "encircled about with
mountains" (probably near the site of Salem in Roanoke
County), they remained three days, resting. On the 12th they
" set forward afoot leaving their horses at the Totero town,"
and travelling south and north, as the path went, over several
high mountains and deep, descending valleys. Several times
crossing the Roanoke River, by four o'clock in the afternoon,
Perecute's ague and their own weariness made them encamp
1 Akenatzi ?
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 19
" by the side of the Roanoke, very near the head thereof, at
the foot of a very high peat mountain."'
On the 13th they ascended a very high and steep mountain
(probably Craig's Creek Mountain, in Craig County) and con-
tinuing a northwest course over mountains (evidently Potts'
and Peters' Mountains) and " many small streams and rich
meadows with grass above a man's hight," they came to a
very steep descent, where they found a great current that
emptied itself, as they supposed, into the great river " Nuth-
uardly ; " they encamped in the evening by the side of this
"great current" (probably the Greenbrier River). On the
14th, their path continued north by west (in the present
County of Greenbrier) ; they saw " to the southwest a curious
prospect of hills like waves," and " Mr. Batts supposed he saw
houses, but Mr. Fallam rather took them to be white cliffs,"
as doubtless they were the limestone cliffs on New River ;
" they marched about twenty miles this day."
On the 15th "they came to a large current, it emptied
itself W. and by N. as they supposed into a. great river," (prob-
ably the Meadow or main fork of the Gauley River, between
the counties of Nicholas and Fayette). On the i6th they
travelled ten miles, when " they had sight of a curious river
like the Thames at Chelsea, but had a fall that made a great
noise ; its course was North and they supposed ran west about
certain pleasant mountains which they saw to the westward."
Here they found Indian fields with cornstalks in them and
understood afterward three Mohetans (Monakens or Tusca-
roras) had lived there not long before. They found the river
broad as the Thames at Wapping. They supposed by the
marks that it flowed there about three feet, but ebbed very
slowly.'
1 Probably the North Mountain, in the county of Montgomery.
2 Clayton, 1688. Force's Tracts, Vol. Ill, p. 20.
30 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
On the 17th they proclaimed the King in these words :
" Long live King Charles ye 2d King of England Scotland
France Ireland and Virginia and all the teritory thereunto
belonging ; deffender of ye faith." Guns were fired and with
a pair of marking irons they marked trees " ist C R " for his
Sacred Majesty ; " 2d W B " for the governor ; " 3d A W " for
the Major-General, Abrahame Wood ; another for Perecute,
and also for the rest of the company.
They had reached the Kanawha at the Great Falls, eighty
miles from the Ohio River. On their return to the town of
the Toteros they found a Mohetan (Tuscarora) Indian, who
was sent to inquire the object of their journey ; satisfying
him with a little powder, he informed them they had been
from the mountains half way to that town, and at the next
town beyond there was a level plain with abundance of salt.
(This description applies correctly to the locality, as the Falls
are about half way by the road from Sewall's mountain to the
Salines, above Charleston, where there are wide river bot-
toms.)
They left the Toteros on the 21st and on the 24th reached
the Hanahaskis (Long Island) where they found Mr. Woods
was dead and buried. Continuing homeward by the Sapong
town and the Appomattox town they arrived safe at Fort
Henry on the 1st of October. This journey is remarkable
for being the very earliest exploration, by the English, to the
waters of the Ohio, and about the same time of the discovery
of that stream claimed by La Salle at the Falls of the Ohio.
It has been incorrectly noticed by various authors : Bev-
erley's " History of Virginia, 1722," p. 62. Burke's ditto, as
in Beverley. In Coxe's "Carolina, Florida and the River
Mississippi," published in 1722, it is stated, p. 120, that Colo-
nel Wood, inhabiting at the Falls of James River from the
year 1654 to 1664, discovered at several times several branches
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. il
of the great rivers Ohio and Meschacehe, " and further that
he was possessed, about twenty years ago, of the Journal of
Mr. Needham, employed by the aforesaid Colonel." Campbell's
" Virginia," pp. 268, 9. See also " State of the British Colo-
nies in North America, 1755," p. 118.
The Kanawha was first known to the whites as " Wood's
River," so called for Colonel Abrahame Wood, the originator
of the expedition which discovered it. (" Contest in America,
by an impartial hand," London, 1757, p. 176.) On Fry and
Jefferson's Map of Virginia of 1751 it is marked "Great Ken-
haway," called also "Wood's River" and "New River,"
North American Review, January, 1839. Parkman's "Dis-
covery of the Great West." Introduction, p. 20, " The Jour-
nal and Relation of a New Discovery made behind the Apu-
leian Mountains, to the West of Virginia Plantations." Gene-
ral Papers, State Paper Office, i, 21. "New York Colonial
History," Vol. Ill, p. 193.
No further attempt at discovery or exploration westward
was made for many years, although away at the north, in
1677, Wentworth Greenhalgh journeyed westward from Al-
bany to the Seneca villages, near the Genesee River. Nar-
rated in the " New York Colonial History," Vol. Ill, p. 250.
In 1709, and for several years subsequent, it was not known
that the Potomac River flowed through the Blue Ridge.^
In August, 17 16, Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, with a
company of about fifty persons, gentlemen, rangers, Indians
and servants, made his famous transmontane expedition of
discovery.
Proceeding from Williamsburgh to Germantown, ten miles
below the Falls of Rappahannock (the present Fredericks-
burgh), and thence by easy stages, with much feasting and
parade, on the thirty-sixth day the party reached the summit
'Byrd MSS., Vol. II, p. 125. Richmond, 1866.
22 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
of the Appalachian Mountains (Blue Ridge), at the pass now
known as the " Swift's Run Gap," in the counties of Madison
and Rockingham ; thence they descended to the Shenandoah
River, which they named the " Euphrates ; " crossed it, re-
turned, and encamped on the right bank, at "Spotswood Camp,"
named for the Governor. Returning, they arrived at home on
the 17th of September, after an absence of sixteen weeks,
Four years afterwards the new county of Spotsylvania was
formed, with the Shenandoah for its western boundary.'
Colonel William Byrd, one of the most intelligent and ac-
complished men in Virginia, wrote in 1729 that "we hardly
know anything of the Apalatean mountains that are no where
above two hundred and fifty miles from the sea," ^ and farther
"that the Sources of the Potomac, Roanoke and even of the She-
nandoah are unknown to the Virginian authorities ; although
woodsmen tell them they head in the same mountains with a
branch of Mississippi." Colonel Byrd calls this "conjectured
Geography." '
In 1728 Colonel Wm. Byrd and the Commissioners of Vir-
ginia and North Carolina surveyed the dividing line between
these two provinces from Currituck Inlet, on the Atlantic,
westward in a straight line two hundred and forty-one miles
to Peter's Creek, in the present county of Patrick. Twenty-
one years later, in 1749, Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson, with
the Commissioners of North Carolina, surveyed the line
ninety miles further, to " Steep Rock Creek," the White Top
or Laurel Fork, of Holston River, in the present county of
Grayson, and in 1779 Dr. Thomas Walker and Daniel Smith
•Journal of John Fontaine, in the " Memoirs of a Huguenot Family,"
New York, 1872. Jones' " Present State of Virginia," 1724, p. 14. Camp-
bell's " History of Virginia," i860, p. 387. Hening's " Statutes of Vir-
ginia," Vol. IV, p. 77.
2 Burke's "History of Virginia," Vol. Ill, p. 114.
'Byrd's "Virginia," Vol. I, p. 137. Richmond, 1S66.
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 23
continued the survey of the line from Steep Rock Creek to
the Tennessee River. The boundary-line between the States
of Kentucky and Tennessee, from the Tennessee River to the
Mississippi, was run in 1819.'
In the report made in August, 1737, of the " Proceedings
of the Commissioners to Lay out the Bounds of the Northern
Neck " ' of Virginia, or Lord Fairfax's Grant, it appears that
they employed Colonel Wm. Mayo, who, at the head of a
party of surveyors, in 1736, explored and surveyed the Co-
hongoronta, or Potomac, up to its head spring, in a ridge of
the Alleghenies, at the southwest point of the boundary
between Virginia and Maryland. Near it they found waters
flowing northward into the Monongahela River, the southern
fork of the upper Ohio. At that point, " the spring head of
the Potomac, the Fairfax Stone was placed by the Commis.
sioners at a subsequent survey in 1746." '
The first of our American race who seem to have pene-
trated the canebrakes of what has since been termed Ken-
tucky, were Dr. Walker and Christopher Gist, both of Vir-
ginia, and James Smith, of Pennsylvania. Thomas Walker
was born in King and Queen County, Virginia, in 17 10.
He studied medicine and became a skilful physician. His
home was at Castle Hill, Albemarle County. He was an ex-
tensive land speculator. In 1748 he went on a tour of dis-
covery down the Holston. In the month of March, 1750, in
company with five others, he started upon a trip to explore
the country west of the back settlements of Virginia. Be-
fore his return he penetrated far into the present State of
* " History of the Dividing Line," in Byrd, Vol. I.
' Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia. " Report of Survey." Hen-
ing's " Statutes," Vol. IX, p. 562.
'Byrd, Vol.11. Mayo's Map, 173. Faulkner's Report, in Kercheral's
" History of the Valley of Virginia."
24 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Kentucky. His party in April erected a small cabin in what
is now Knox County, the first one probably ever built by an
American within the limits of that State. " Walker's Settle-
ment" is noted on some of the old maps. He died at
Castle Hill, in 1794. He ranked high in Virginia, as»is
proved by his frequent appointments under that colony. He
was with the Virginia troops at the defeat of Braddock, in
175s, of which he gave a graphic description to Judge Yeates,
in August, 1776, on the battle-field. He was a member of
the Virginia Assembly in 1758. In 1768, Commissioner from
Virginia at the Treaty held at Fort Stanwix with the Indians
of the Six Nations. In 1769 he was appointed, with Colonel
Andrew Lewis, Commissioner, relative to settling a boundary-
line with the Cherokees. He was at the head of the Com-
mittee of Louisa County, May 8, 1775 ; also member of the
Virginia Committee of Safety, and Delegate to the Conven-
tion of Virginia, 1775-76, and to the House of Burgesses, in
1775-
To reconcile the conflicting statements relative to the pre-
cise year of the first visit of Dr. Thomas Walker to the east-
ern part of Kentucky is a difficult but not hopeless task. It
appears that in 1747 Dr. Walker, with a small party, Colonel
James Wood, Colonel James Pattin, Captain Charles Camp-
bell, and others, having large grants of land to the west of
the mountains, explored as far as Powell's Valley, in the
present Lee County, southwestern Virginia, near the great
Laurel Ridge of the Alleghenies, which he named the Cum-
berland.
Misled by information as to the distance of the Ohio River
and the correct course to be taken to reach it expeditiously, they
turned northeastwardly and came to the heads of the Totery
or Big Sandy River, in Buchanan County, which they named
Frederick's River, after the Prince of Wales, (now Russell's
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 2$
Fork). Continuing the same course, they struck on the next
Fork, which they named Louisa, a designation it still retains ;
(on Evans' Map of 1755 it is made to flow to the Kanawha)
passing thence eastward, after a toilsome journey along the
foot of the mountain range and stream, in Giles and Bland
Counties, called Walker's, to the New River, and thence to
Albemarle County.
Lewis Evans, in his "Analysis of a Map of the Middle
Colonies of 1755," says : "As for the branches of the Ohio,
which head in the New Virginia, I am particularly obliged to
Mr. Thomas Walker for the intelligence of what names they
bear and what rivers they fall into northward and westward;"
and at page 29 he mentions Louisa as a branch of the Ka-
nawha, and so places it on the accompanying map.
The Valley of the Ohio remained unexplored and almost
unknown for near two centuries after the discovery of Amer-
ica in 1492.*
The Spaniard, Hernando De Soto, reached the Mississippi
in 1 541, pausing with his forces on the eastern bank of the
mighty stream but a few days, to build boats to cross it and
continue westward in his fruitless search for a land abound-
ing in gold and silver.' Jean Nicollet was the first to reach
the waters of the upper Mississippi. In 1639 he ascended
the Ottawa from the St. Lawrence;' thence across Lake
Huron and through the Straits of Mackinaw to Green Bay,
and up the Fox River to the portage across the Wisconsin
River, but no further. The route by the Ottawa was usually
taken by the French missionaries and fur traders, until 1669-
70, when they first traversed Lake Erie by its northern shore
and thence by the Detroit River to Lake Huron.
* " Jesuit Relations," 1640.
' " Histoire de la Colonie Franfaise," i866.
* Charlevoix.
26 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
The Ohio, the " Beautiful River " of the Iroquois, was dis-
covered by Robert Cavalier— the Sieur de la Salle— in 1670-
71. He was a native of Rouen, France; came to Canada and
engaged in the fur trade. Being an ardent and indefatigable
explorer and ambitious to discover new countries, he was
authorized by Talon, the Intendant (Justice) of Canada, to
explore southwest and south for the discovery of a passage
to the South Sea. Among the Iroquois near Lake Ontario,
in the present Western New York, he found a Shawnee
prisoner who informed him of the Ohio.
Procuring a guide from the Onondagas, he proceeded to
the Allegheny River and descended it and the Ohio as far as
the Falls, at the site of the present city of Louisville, Ken-
tucky.' Then, deserted by his men, he returned through the
forests to Canada, subsisting on game and roots, and be-
friended by the Indians he met on his way.' Three years
later (1673) Marquette and Joliet reached the Mississippi by
way of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers.^ They descended it
as far as the mouth of the Arkansas and then returned."
They saw the Ohio at its junction with the great river and
noted it on their map and in their journal as the Oubaskison
(Wabash), coming from the country inhabited by the Chouo-
nans (Shawnese) in great numbers.
In 1682 La Salle made his great voyage of discovery, de-
scending the Mississippi from the Illinois to its mouth ; on
his way he remained a short time at the mouth of the Ohio,
which was noted as being more than five hundred leagues in
length, and the river by which the war parties of the Iroquois
descended to make war against the Southern Nations.
' Gravier.
« Ferland.
8 La Salle.
* Charlevoix.
t
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 27
On the shore of the Gulf of Mexico La Salle, with great
ceremony, proclaimed possession taken for Louis XIV of all
the country watered by the Mississippi, St. Louis, Ohio. Al-
legheny, and their tributaries. For more than fifty years after
Its discovery by La Salle, the Ohio above the Wabash was
unavailable to the French as a route to the Mississippi
owmgto the hostility of the Iroquois, in whose country ii
had its source.
Early in the eighteenth century emigrants from Canada
came by way of the Lakes to the head of Lake Michigan
and thence to the Illinois and Mississippi, or by the Maumee
and Wabash, forming settlements along these rivers and also at
Detroit and its neighborhood, while the Ohio remained still
m an unknown wilderness and of minor importance. As late
as i;so to 1756 it was considered by the French authorities
as a tributary of the Wabash, and it is so mentioned in
official documents and laid down on most of their maps
In 1726. by consent of the Iroquois, the French reconstructed
the fort at Niagara, which they had abandoned in 1688
By 1728-9 the Shawanese were settled along the Allegheny
to which region they were drawn chiefly by the measures
adopted by the Marquis Vaudreuil in 1724.
The way being now open, in 1729 M. de Lery. Chief En-
gmeer of Canada, with a detachment of troops, crossed from
Lake Erie to the Chautauqua Lake and thence to the Cone
wango Creek and the Allegheny River, descending it and the
Ohio. They made a careful topographical survey of the
course of the rivers, with observations of the latitude, longi-
tude and distances as far as the Great Miami.
The French, down to the surrender of Canada to the British
m 1763, derived their right against that of the Iroquois to'
the Ohio country, asserting it to be theirs by virtue of its dis-
covery by La Salle, and of their resorting to it when no other
28 CHRISTOPHER GISX'S JOURNALS.
Indians occupied it but their allies, the Shawanese, with
whom the Iroquois were at war. The latter tribe claimed it
by reason of their conquest of the Shawanese, and the
English claimed that it was ceded to ttiem by the Six Nations
at the Treaty of Lancaster, 1744. It is remarkable, however,
that the French never made any attempts to form settlements
on the Ohio ; confining themselves to the Wabash, Illinois,
Mississippi and Detroit.
In 1753 Forts Presque Isle (Erie, Pennsylvania) and Le
Boeuf (now Waterford, Erie County, Pennsylvania) were
erected.
In 1754 Forts Franklin (at Venango, now Franklin) and
Du Quesne (now Pittsburgh) were built, and in 1756 the erec-
tion of Fort Massac (now in Massac County, Illinois) com-
pleted the chain of forts deemed essential by French policy
for the connection of Canada and Louisiana and the main-
tenance of possession of the Valley of the Ohio.
The steady increase of the English settlements towards
the AUeghenies, the great numbers of their traders through,
out the country west of the mountains, and, above all, the
immense land grants on the waters of the Ohio by the British
King and the Council of Virginia, incited the French to vig-
orous measures. Accordingly, Captain Celeron de Bienville
was dispatched by Governor de la Galissonniere, in 1749, to
expel the English traders and take military possession of the
Ohio country. With a detachment of two hundred soldiers
and thirty Indians he proceeded, by way of Chautauqua Lake
and the Conewango Creek, to its junction with the Allegheny
or Ohio as he called it. There he buried a leaden plate, on the
29th of July, with a suitable inscription, as a monument of
having retaken possession of the said river Ohio and branches
and the lands thereon. This plate was stolen by the Seneca In-
dians, probably directly after its deposit, and sent to Colonel
INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 29
William Johnson. (Governor Clinton's letter to Governor
Hamilton.') Letter of Governor Clinton to Board of Trade,
and fac-simile of the plate, with its "devilish writing," as the
Indian chief called it, who took it to Colonel Johnson.
Celeron, with his flotilla, proceeded down the river, deposit-
ing plates at different points, generally at the mouths of
streams emptying into the main river. The inscriptions on
the plates were all alike, except the name of the place and
date of deposit. A number of them were found in after-
years ; one, at the confluence of the Allegheny, Monongahela
and Ohio, at Pittsburgh, was dated, August 3, 1749, at the
" Three Rivers." (MSS. copy of plate by Governor Pownall
in my possession.) Another was found in 1798 near Marietta,
at the mouth of the Muskingum. It bore date August 16,
1749, at the entrance of the river " Yenangue." " The last
discovered was at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, near
Point Pleasant, in April, 1846. It was dated August 18, 1749,
at the entrance of the river Chinodahichatha. (See fac-
simile and account of in the " History of Western Virginia,"
by de Hass, 185 1, p. 50).' On his way down Celeron encamped
for a few days at Logstown, eighteen miles below Pittsburgh,
from which he expelled the English traders, by whom he sent
letters to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, dated the 6th
and loth of August, and explained the object of his mission.*
In 1750 and 1751 Christopher Gist, the Agent of the Ohio
Company of Virginia, explored the greater portion of the
region now included within the boundaries of the States of
Ohio, Kentucky and West Virginia, and parts of Western
Maryland and Southwestern Pennsylvania. These explora-
> " New York Colonial History," Vol. VI.
2 Hildreth's" Pioneer."
' See " Fort Pitt " for complete history.
♦" Colonial Records."
30 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
tions were the earliest made, so far west, for the single object
of examining the country, as they are the first also of which
a regular journal was kept. The result of Gist's journeys,
however, was not made known generally, being in the interest
of a great Land Company; but in 1776 the Journal of 1750
was published by Governor Pownall, in London, in the Appen-
dix to his " Topographical Description of North America."
At that time but few copies of that work could have found
their way to America, and at the close of the Revolutionary
War it seemed to have become comparatively scarce and is
now but little known. The second Journal has never before
been printed here or elsewhere. The third, 1753, was printed
for James Mease, by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
FRY AND JEF
JEF
RSON MAP, 1755.
FOR THE HONORABLE ROBERT DINWIDDIE
ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR & COMMANDER
OF VIRGINIA.
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN M' CHRISTOPHER GIST BY THE
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY THE 1 1*
DAY OF SEPTEMBER 1750.
You are to go out as soon as possible to the Westward of
the great Mountains, and carry with you such a Number of
Men, as You think necessary, in Order to search out and
discover the Lands upon the River Ohio, & other adjoining
Branches of the Mississippi down as low as the great Falls
thereof : You are particularly to observe the Ways & Passes
thro all the Mountains you cross, & take an exact Account
of the Soil, Quality, & Product of the Land, and the Wide-
ness and Deepness of the Rivers, & the several Falls belong-
ing to them, together with the Courses & Bearings of the
Rivers & Mountains as near as you conveniently can : You
are also to observe what Nations of Indians inhabit there,
their Strength & Numbers, who they trade with, & in what
Comodities they deal.
When you find a large Quantity of good, level Land, such
as you think will suit the Company, You are to measure the
Breadth of it, in three or four different Places, & take the
Courses of the River and Mountains on which it binds in
Order to judge the Quantity : You are to fix the Beginning
& Bounds in such a Manner that they may be easily found
again by your Description ; the nearer in the Land lies, the
(30
32 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
better, provided it be good & level, but we had rather go
quite down the Mississippi than take mean broken Land.
After finding a large Body of good level Land, you are not to
stop, but proceed farther, as low as the Falls of the Ohio,
that We may be informed of that Navigation ; And You are
to take an exact Account of all the large Bodies of good level
Land, in the same Manner as above directed, that the Com-
pany may the better judge where it will be most convenient
for them to take their Land.
You are to note all the Bodies of good Land as you go
along, tho there is not a sufficient Quantity for the Com-
pany's Grant, but You need not be so particular in the Men-
suration of that, as in the larger Bodies of Land.
You are to draw as good a Plan as you can of the Country
You pass thro : You are to take an exact and particular
Journal of all your Proceedings, and make a true Report
thereof to the Ohio Company.
1750. — In Complyance with my Instructions from the Com-
mittee of the Ohio Company bearing Date the 1 1* Day of
September 1750
Wednesday Oct' 31. — Set out from Col° Thomas Cresap's at
the old Town on Potomack River in Maryland, and went along
an old Indian Path N 30 E about 1 1 Miles.
Thursday Nov i. — Then N i Mile N 30 E 3 M here I was
taken sick and stayed all Night.
Friday 2. — N 30 E 6 M, here I was so bad that I was not
able to proceed any farther that Night, but grew better in the
Morning.
Saturday 3. — N 8 M to Juniatta, a large Branch of Susque-
hannah, where I stayed all Night.
Sunday 4. — Crossed Juniatta and went up it S 55 W about
16 M.
Monday 5. — Continued the same Course S 55 W 6 M to
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 33
the Top of a large Mountain called the Allegany Mountain,
here our Path turned, & we went N 45 W 6 M here we en-
camped.
Tuesday 6 Wednesday 7 and Thursday 8. — Had Snow and
such bad Weather that We could not travel for three Days ;
but I killed a young Bear so that we had Provision enough.
Friday 9. — Set out N 70 W about 8 M here I crossed a
Creek of Susquehannah and it raining hard, I went into an
old Indian Cabbin where I stay'd all. Night.
Saturday 10. — Rain and Snow all Day but cleared away in
the Evening.
Sunday 11. — Set out late in the Morning N 70 W 6 M
crossing two Forks of a Creek of Susquehannah, here the
Way being bad, We encamped and I killed a Turkey.
Monday 12. — Set out N 45 W 8 M crossed a great Laurel
Mountain.
Tuesday 13. — Rain and Snow.
Wednesday 14. — Set out N 45 W 6 M to Loylhannan an
old Indian Town on a Creek of Ohio called Kiscominatis,
then N I M NW i M to an Indian's Camp on the said Creek.
Thursday 15. — The Weather being bad and I unwell I
stayed here all Day : The Indian to whom this Camp be-
longed spoke good English and directed Me the Way to his
Town, which is called Shannopini Town : He said it was
about 60 M and a pretty good Way.
Friday 16. — Set out S70 W 10 M.
. Saturday 17. — The same Course (S 70 W) 15 M to an old
Indian's Camp.
Sunday 18. — I was very sick, and sweated myself according
to the Indian Custom in a Sweat-House, which gave Me Ease,
and my Fever abated.
Monday 19. — Set out early in the Morning the same Course
(S 70 W) travelled very hard about 20 M to a small Indian
34 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Town of the Delawares called Shannopin on the SE Side of
the River Ohio, where We rested and got Corn for our
Horses.
Tuesday 20 Wednesday 21 Thursday 22 and Friday 23.— I
was unwell and stayed in this Town to recover myself ; While
I was here I took an Opportunity to set my Compass pri-
vately, & took the Distance across the River, for I under-
stood it was dangerous to let a Compass be seen among these
Indians: The River Ohio is 76 Poles wide at Shannopin
Town : There are about twenty Families in this Town : The
Land in general from Potomack to this Place is mean stony
and broken, here and there good Spots upon the Creeks and
Branches but no Body of it.
Saturday 24. — Set out from Shannopin's Town, and swam
our Horses across the River Ohio, & went down the River S
75 W 4 M, N 75 W 7 M W 2 M, all the Land from Shan-
nopin's Town is good along the River, but the Bottoms not
broad ; At a Distance from the River good Land for Farming,
covered with small white and red Oaks and tolerable level ;
fine Runs for Mills &c.
Sunday Nov 25.— Down the River W 3 M, NW 5 M to
Loggs Town ; the Lands these last 8 M very rich the Bot-
toms above a Mile wide, but on the SE side, scarce a Mile
wide, the Hills high and steep. In the Loggs Town, I found
scarce any Body but a Parcel of reprobate Indian Traders,
the Chiefs of the Indians being out a hunting : here I was
informed that George Croghan & Andrew Montour who were
sent upon an Embassy from Pensylvania to the Indians, were
passed about a Week before me. The People in this Town,
began to enquire my Business, and because I did not readily
inform them, they began to suspect me, and said, I was come
to settle the Indian's Lands and they knew I should never
go Home again safe ; I found this Discourse was like to be of
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 3$
ill Consequence to me, so I pretended to speak very slight-
ingly of what they had said to me, and enquired for Croghan
(who is a meer Idol among his Countrymen the Irish Traders)
and Andrew Montour the Interpreter for Pensylvania, and
told them I had a Message to deliver the Indians from the
King, by Order of the President of Virginia, & for that Rea-
son wanted to see M Montour : This made them all pretty
easy (being afraid to interrupt the King's Message) and
obtained me Quiet and Respect among them, otherwise I
doubt not they woud have contrived some Evil against me —
I imediately wrote to M Croghan, by one of the Trader's
People.
Monday 26. — Tho I was unwell, I prefered the Woods to
such Company & set out from the Loggs Town down the
River NW 6 M to great Beaver Creek where I met one Barny
Curran a Trader for the Ohio Company, and We continued
together as far as Muskingum. The Bottoms upon the
River below the Logg's Town very rich but narrow, the high
Land pretty good but not very rich, the Land upon Beaver
Creek the same kind ; From this Place We left the River
Ohio to the SE & travelled across the Country.
Tuesday 27. — Set out from E side of Beaver Creek NW 6
M, W 4 M ; up these two last Courses very good high Land,
not very broken, fit for farming.
Wednesday 28. — Rained, We could not travel.
Thursday 29. — W 6 M thro good Land, the same Course
continued 6 M farther thro very broken Land ; here I found
myself pretty well recovered, & being in Want of Provision,
I went out and killed a Deer.
Friday 30. — Set out S 45 W 12 M crossed the last Branch
of Beaver Creek where one of Curran's Men & myself killed
12 Turkeys.
36 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Saturday Dec' i. — N 45 W lo M the Land high and tolera-
ble good.
Note; by M' Gist's Plat he makes these 2 Courses N 45 W lo M, & N
45 W 8 M, to be W 8 M and N 45 W 6 M.
Sunday 2. — N 45 W 8 M the same Sort of Land, but near
the Creeks bushy and very full of Thorns.
Monday 3. — Killed a Deer, and stayed in our Camp all Day.
Tuesday 4. — Set out late S 45 W about 4 M here I killed
three fine fat Deer, so that tho we were eleven in Company,
We had great Plenty of Provision.
Wednesday 5. — Set out down the Side of a Creek called
Elk's Eye Creek S 70 W 6 M, good Land, but void of Timber,
Meadows upon the Creek, fine Runs for Mills.
Thursday 6. — Rained all Day so that we were obliged to
continue in our Camp.
Friday 7. — Set out SW 8 M crossing the said Elk's Eye
Creek to a Town of the Ottaways, a Nation of French Indians ;
an old French Man (named Mark Coonce) who had married
an Indian Woman of the six Nations lived here ; the Indians
were all out a hunting ; the old Man was very civil to me, but
after I was gone to my Camp, upon his understanding I came
from Virginia, he called Me the Big Knife. There are not
above six or eight Families belonging to this Town.
Saturday 8. — Stayed in tlie Town.
Sunday 9. — Set out down the said Elk's Eye Creek S 45 W
6 M to Margarets Creek a Branch of the said Elk's Eye
Creek.
Monday Dec 10. — The same Course (S 45 W) 2 M to a large
Creek.
Tuesday 11. — The same Course 12 M killed 2 Deer.
Wednesday 12. — The same Course 8 M encamped by the
Side of Elk's Eye Creek.
Thursday 13. — Rained all Day.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 37
Friday 14. — Set out W 5 M to Muskingum a Town of the
Wyendotts. The Land upon Elk's Eye Creek is in general
very broken, the Bottoms narrow. The Wyendotts or little
Mingoes are divided between the French and English, one
half of them adhere to the first, and the other half are firmly
attached to the latter. The Town of Muskingum consists of
about one hundred Families. When We came within Sight
of the Town, We perceived English Colours hoisted on the
King's House, and at George Croghan's ; upon enquiring the
Reason I was informed that the French had lately taken
several English Traders, and that M' Croghan had ordered
all the White Men to come into this Town, and had sent
Expresses to the Traders of the lower Towns, and among the
Pickweylinees ; and the Indians had sent to their People to
come to Council about it.
Saturday 15 & Sunday 16. — Nothing remarkable happened.
Monday 17. — Came into Town two Traders belonging to
M Croghan, and informed Us that two of his People were
taken by 40 French Men, & twenty French Indians who had
carried them with seven Horse Loads of Skins to a new
Fort that the French were building on one of the Branches
of Lake Erie.
Tuesday 18. — I acquainted M' Croghan and Andrew Mon-
tour with my Business with the Indians, & talked much of a
Regulation of Trade with which they were much pleased, and
treated Me very kindly.
From Wednesday 19 to Monday 24. — Nothing remarkable.
Tuesday 25. — This being Christmass Day, I intended to
read Prayers, but after inviting some of the White Men, they
informed each other of my Intentions, and being of several
different Persuasions, and few of them inclined to hear any
Good, they refused to come. But one Thomas Barney a
Black Smith who is settled there went about and talked to
38 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
them, & then several of them came ; and Andrew Montour
invited several of the well disposed Indians, who came freely;
by this Time the Morning was spent, and I had given over
all Thoughts of them, but seeing Them come, to oblige All,
and offend None, I stood up and said. Gentlemen, I have no
Design or Intention to give Offence to any particular Sec-
tary or Religion, but as our King indulges Us all in a Liberty
of Conscience and hinders none of You in the Exercise of
your religious Worship, so it would be unjust in You, to
endeavour to stop the Propagation of His ; The Doctrine of
Salvation Faith, and good Works, is what I only propose to
treat of, as I find it extracted from the Homilies of the Church
of England, which I then read them in the best Manner I
coud, and after I had done the Interpreter told the Indians
what I had read, and that it was the true Faith which the
great King and His Church recomended to his Children : the
Indians seemed well pleased, and came up to Me and returned
Me their Thanks ; and then invited Me to live among Them,
and gave Me a Name in their Language Annosanah : the In-
terpreter told Me this was a Name of a good Man that had
formerly lived among them, and their King said that must be
always my Name, for which I returned them Thanks ; but as
to living among them I excused myself by saying I did not
know whether the Governor woud give Me Leave, and if he did
the French woud come and carry me away as they had done the
English Traders, to which they answered I might bring great
Guns and make a Fort, that they had now left the French, and
were very desirous of being instructed in the Principles of
Christianity ; that they liked Me very well and wanted Me to
marry Them after the Christian Manner, and baptize their
Children ; and then they said they woud never desire to
return to the French, or suffer Them or their Priests to come
near them more, for they loved the English, but had seen little
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 39
Religion among Them : and some of their great Men came
and wanted Me to baptize their Children ; for as I had read
to Them and appeared to talk about Religion they took Me to
be a Minister of the Gospel ; Upon which I desired M' Mon-
tour (the Interpreter) to tell Them, that no Minister coud
venture to baptize any Children, until those that were to be
Sureties for Them, were well instructed in the Faith them-
selves, and that this was according to the great King's
Religion, in which He desired his Children shoud be instruc-
ted & We dare not do it in any other Way, than was by Law
established, but I hoped if I coud not be admitted to live
among them, that the great King woud send Them proper
Ministers to exercise that Office among them, at which they
seemed well pleased ; and one of Them went and brought
Me his Book (which was a Kind contrived for Them by the
French in which the Days of the Week were so marked that
by moving a Pin every Morning they kept a pretty exact
Account of the Time) to shew Me that He understood Me,
and that He and his Family always observed the Sabbath Day.
Wednesday Dec' 26. — This Day a Woman, who had been a
long Time a Prisoner, and had deserted, & been retaken, and
brought into the Town on Christmass Eve, was put to Death
in the following manner : They carried her without the Town,
& let her loose, and when she attempted to run away, the
Persons appointed for that Purpose pursued her, & struck Her
on the Ear, on the right Side of her Head, which beat her
flat on her Face on the Ground ; they then stuck her several
Times, thro the Back with a Dart, to the Heart.scalped Her,
& threw the Scalp in the Air, and another cut off her Head :
There the dismal Spectacle lay till the Evening, & then Barny
Curran desired Leave to bury Her, which He, and his Men,
and some of the Indians did just at Dark.
From Thursday Dec' 27 to Thursday Jan" 3 1751. — Nothing
remarkable happened in the Town.
40 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Friday Jan 4. — One Teafe (an Indian Trader) came to
Town from near Lake Erie, & informed Us, that the Wyen-
dott Indians had advised Him to keep clear of the Ottaways
(these are a Nation of Indians firmly attached to the French,
& inhabit near the Lakes) & told Him that the Branches of
the Lakes are claimed by the French ; but that all the
Branches of Ohio belonged to Them, and their Brothers the
English, and that the French had no Business there, & that
it was expected that the other Part of the Wyendott Nation
woud desert the French and come over to the English Inter-
est, & join their Brethren on the Elk's Eye Creek, & build a
strong Fort and Town there.
From Saturday 5 to Tuesday 8. — The Weather still contin-
uing bad, I stayed in the Town to recruit my Horses, and
tho Corn was very dear among the Indians, I was obliged to
feed them well, or run the Risque of losing them as I had a
great Way to travel.
Wednesday 9. — The Wind Southerly, and the Weather
something' warmer : this Day came into Town two Traders
from among the Pickwaylinees (these are a Tribe of the
Twigtwees) and brought News that another English Trader
was taken prisoner by the French, and that three French
Soldiers had deserted and come over to the English, and sur-
rendered themselves to some of the Traders of the Pick
Town, & that the Indians woud have put them to Death, to
revenge their taking our Traders, but as the French Prisoners
had surrendered themselves, the English woud not let the
Indians hurt them, but had ordered them to be sent under
the Care of three of our Traders and delivered at this Town,
to George Croghan.
Thursday 10. — Wind still at South and warm.
Friday 11. — This Day came into Town an Indian from over
the Lakes & confirmed the News we had heard.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 4I
Saturday 12. — We sent away our People towards the lower
Town intending to follow them the next Morning, and this
Evening We went into Council in the Wyendott's King's
House — The Council had been put off a long Time expecting
some of their great Men in, but few of them came, & this
Evening some of the King's Council being a little disordered
with Liquor, no Business coud be done, but We were desired
to come next Day.
Sunday Jan'" 13.— No Business done.
Monday 14. — This Day George Croghan, by the Assistance
of Andrew Montour, acquainted the King and Council of
this Nation (by presenting them four Strings of Wampum)
that the great King over the Water, their Roggony [Father]
had sent under the Care of the Governor of Virginia, their
Brother, a large Present of Goods which was now landed safe
in Virginia, & the Governor had sent Me to invite Them to
come and see Him, & partake of their Father's Charity to all
his Children on the Branches of Ohio. In Answer to which
one of the Chiefs stood up and said, " That their King and
" all of Them thanked their Brother the Governor of Virginia
" for his Care, and Me for bringing them the News, but they
" coud not give Me an Answer untill they had a full or gen-
" eral Council of the several Nations of Indians which coud
"not be till next Spring : & so the King and Council shaking
" Hands with Us, We took our Leave.
Tuesday 15. — We left Muskingum, and went W 5 M, to.
the White Woman's Creek, on which is a small Town ; this.
White Woman was taken away from New England, when she
was not above ten Years old, by the French Indians ; She is
now upwards of fifty, and has an Indian Husband and several
Children — Her name is Mary Harris, she still remembers
they used to be very religious in New England, and wonders
how the White Men can be so wicked as she has seen them
in these Woods.
4
42 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
Wednesday i6. — Set out SW 25 M, to Licking Creek — The
Land from Muskingum to this Place rich but broken^ — Upon
the N Side of Licking Creek about 6 M from the Mouth, are
several Salt Licks, or Ponds, formed by little Streams or
Dreins of Water, clear but of a blueish Colour, & salt Taste
the Traders and Indians boil their Meat in this Water,
which (if proper Care be not taken) will sometimes make it
too salt to eat.
Thursday 17. — Set out W 5 M, SW 15 M, to a great Swamp.
Friday 18. — Set out from the great Swamp SW 15 M.
Saturday 19. — W 15 M to Hockhockin a small Town with
only four or five Delaware Families.
Sunday 20. — The Snow began to grow thin, and the
Weather warmer ; Set out from Hockhockin S 5 M, then W
5 M, then SW 5 M, to the Maguck a little Delaware Town
of about ten Families by the N Side of a plain or clear Field
about 5 M in Length NE & SW & 2 M broad, with a small
Rising in the Middle, which gives a fine Prospect over the
whole Plain, and a large Creek on the N Side of it called Sci-
odoe Creek. All the Way from Licking Creek to this Place
is fine rich level Land, with large Meadows, fine Clover Bot-
toms & spacious Plains covered with wild Rye : the Wood
chiefly large Walnuts and Hickories, here and there mixed
with Poplars Cherry Trees and Sugar Trees.
From Monday 21 to Wednesday 23 — Stayed in the Maguck
Town.
Thursday 24. — Set out from the Maguck Town S about
1 5 M, thro fine rich level Land to a small Town called Har-
rickintoms consisting of about five or six Delaware Families,
on the SW Sciodoe Creek.
Friday 25. — The Creek being very high and full of Ice, We
coud not ford it, and were obliged to go down it on the SE
Side SE 4 M to the Salt Lick Creek — about i M up this Creek
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 43
on the S Side is a very large Salt Lick, the Streams which
run into this Lick are very salt, & tho clear leave a blueish
Sediment : The Indians and Traders make salt for their
Horses of this Water, by boiling it ; it has at first a blueish
Colour, and somewhat bitter Taste, but upon being dissolved
in fair Water and boiled a second Time, it becomes tolerable
pure Salt.
Saturday 26. — Set out S 2 M, SW 14 M.
Sunday 27. — S 12 M to a small Delaware Town of about
twenty Families on the SE Side of Sciodoe Creek — We
lodged at the House of an Indian whose Name was Windaug-
halah, a great Man and Chief of this Town, & much in the
English Interest. He entertained Us very kindly, and ordered
a Negro Man that belonged to him to feed our Horses well ;
this Night it snowed, and in the Morning tho the Snow was
six or seven Inches deep, the wild Rye appeared very green
and flourishing thro it, and our Horses had fine Feeding.
Monday Jan^ 28. — We went into Council with the Indians
of this Town, and after the Interpreter had informed them of
his Instructions from the Governor of Pensylvania, and
given them some Cautions in Regard to the French, they
returned for Answer as follows. The Speaker with four
Strings of Wampum in his Hand stood up, and addressing
Himself as to the Governor of Pensylvania, said, " Brothers,
" We the Delawares return You our hearty Thanks for the
" News You have sent Us, and We assure You, We will not
" hear the Voice of any other Nation for We are to be directed
" by You our Brothers the English, & by none else : We shall
" be glad to hear what our Brothers have to say to Us at the
" Loggs Town in the Spring, and to assure You of our hearty
" Good will & Love to our Brothers We present You with
" these four Strings of Wampum This is the last Town of
the Delawares to the Westward — The Delaware Indians by
44 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
the best Accounts I coud gather consist of about 500 fight-
ing Men all firmly attached to the English Interest, they are
not properly a Part of the six Nations, but are scattered
about among most of the Indians upon the Ohio, and some of
them among the six Nations, from whom they have Leave to
hunt upon their Lands.
Tuesday 29.— Set out S W 5 M, S S M, to the Mouth of Sciodoe
Creek opposite to the Shannoah Town, here We fired our
Guns to alarm the Traders, who soon answered, and came and
ferryed Us over to the Town — The Land about the Mouth of
Sciodoe Creek is rich but broken fine Bottoms upon the River
& Creek— The Shannoah Town is situate upon both Sides
the River Ohio, just below the Mouth of Sciodoe Creek, and
contains about 300 Men, there are about 40 Houses on the S
Side of the River and about 100 on the N Side, with a Kind
of State-House of about 90 Feet long, with a light Cover of
Bark in w"" they hold their Councils — The Shanaws are not a
Part of the six Nations, but were formerly at Variance with
them, tho now reconciled : they are great Friends to the
English who once protected them from the Fury of the six
Nations, which they gratefully remember.
Wednesday 30. — We were conducted into Council, where
George Croghan delivered sundry Speeches from the Gov-
ernment of Pensylvania to the Chiefs of this Nation, in
which He informed them, "That two Prisoners who had been
" taken by the French, and had made their Escape from the
" French Ofificer at Lake Erie as he was carrying them towards
" Canada brought News that the French offered a large Sum
" of Money to any Person who would bring to them the said
" Croghan and Andrew Montour the Interpreter alive, or if
" dead their Scalps ; and that the French also threatened
"these Indians and the Wyendotts with War in the Spring "
the same Persons farther said " that they had seen ten French
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 45
" Canoes loaded with Stores for a new Fort they designed on
the S Side Lake Erie. M' Croghan also informed them of
several of our Traders having been taken, and advised them
to keep their Warriors at Home, until they coud see what
the French intended which he doubted not woud appear in
the Spring — Then Andrew Montour informed this Nation as
He had done the Wyendotts & Delawares " That the King of
" Great Britain had sent Them a large Present of Goods, in
" Company with the six Nations, which was under the Care
"of the Governor of Virginia, who had sent Me out to invite
"them to come and see Him, & partake of their Father's
"Present next Summer" to which We received this Answer —
Big Hannaona their Speaker taking in his Hand the several
Strings of Wampum which had been given by the English,
He said " These are the Speeches received by Us from your
" great Men : From the Beginning of our Friendship, all that
"our Brothers the English have told Us has been good and
" true, for which We return our hearty Thanks " Then taking
up four other Strings of Wampum in his Hand, He said
" Brothers I now speak the Sentiments of all our People ;
"when first our Forefathers did meet the English our Bro-
" thers, they found what our Brothers the English told them
" to be true, and so have We— We are but a small People, &
" it is not to Us only that You speak, but to all Nations— We
" shall be glad to hear what our Brothers will say to Us at the
" Loggs Town in the Spring, & We hope that the Friendship
" now subsisting between Us & our Brothers, will last as long
" as the Sun shines, or the Moon gives Light — We hope that
" our Children will hear and believe what our Brothers say to
" them, as We have always done, and to assure You of our
"hearty Good-Will towards You our Brothers, We present
"You with these four Strings of Wampum" After the
Council was over they had much Talk about sending a Guard
46 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
with Us to the Pickwaylinees Towns (these are a Tribe of
Twigtwees) which was reckoned near 200 Miles, but after
long Consultation (their King being sick) they came to no
Determination about it.
From Thursday Jan 31 To Monday Feb*^ 11. — Stayed in the
Shannoah Town, while I was here the Indians had a very
extraordinary Kind of a Festival, at which I was present and
which I have exactly described at the End of my Journal —
As I had particular Instructions from the President of Vir-
ginia to discover the Strength & Numbers of some Indian
Nations to the Westward of Ohio who had lately revolted
from the French, and had some Messages to deliver them
from Him, I resolved to set out for the Twigtwee Town.
Tuesday 12.— Having left my Boy to take Care of my Horses
in the Shannoah Town, & supplied myself with a fresh Horse
to ride, I set out with my old Company viz George Croghan
Andrew Montour, Robert Kallandar, and a Servant to carry
our Provisions &c NW 10 M.
Wednesday 13. — The same Course (NW) about 35 M.
Thursday 14. — The same Course about 30 M.
Friday 15. — The same Course 15 M. We met with nine
Shannoah Indians coming from one of the Pickwaylinees
Towns, where they had been to Council, they told Us there
were fifteen more of them behind at the Twigtwee Town,
waiting for the Arrival of the Wawaughtanneys, who are a
Tribe of the Twigtwees, and were to bring with them a Shan-
noah Woman and Child to deliver to their Men that were be-
hind : this Woman they informed Us had been taken Prisoner
last Fall, by some of the Wawaughtanney Warriors thro a
Mistake, which had like to have engaged these Nations in a
War.
Saturday 16. — Set out the same Course (NW) about 35 M,
to the little Miamee River or Creek
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 47
Sunday 17. — Crossed the little Miamee River, and altering
our Course We went SW 25 M, to the big Miamee River,
opposite the Twigtwee Town. All the Way from the Shan-
noah Town to this Place (except the first 20 M which is broken)
is fine, rich level Land, well timbered with large Walnut, Ash,
Sugar Trees, Cherry Trees &c, it is well watered with a great
Number of little Streams or Rivulets, and full of beautiful
natural Meadows, covered with wild Rye, blue Grass and
Clover, and abounds with Turkeys, Deer, Elks and most Sorts
of Game particularly Buffaloes, thirty or forty of which are
frequently seen feeding in one Meadow : In short it wants
Nothing but Cultivation to make it a most delightfuU Country
— The Ohio and all the large Branches are said to be full of
fine Fish of several Kinds, particularly a Sort of Cat Fish of
a prodigious Size ; but as I was not there at the proper Season,
I had not an opportunity of seeing any of them — The Traders
had always reckoned it 200 M, from the Shannoah Town to
the Twigtwee Town, but by my Computation I could make it
no more than 1 50 — The Miamee River being high, We were
obliged to make a Raft of old Loggs to transport our Goods ■
and Saddles and swim our Horses over — After firing a few
Guns and Pistols, & smoaking in the Warriours Pipe, who
came to invite Us to the Town (according to their Custom of
inviting and welcoming Strangers and Great Men) We entered
the Town with English Colours before Us, and were kindly
received by their King, who invited Us into his own House,
& set our Colours upon the Top of it — The Firing of Guns
held about a Quarter of an Hour, and then all the white Men
and Traders that were there, came and welcomed Us to the
the Twigtwee Town — This Town is situate on the NW Side
of the Big Miamee River about 150 M from the Mouth there-
of ; it consists of about 400 Families, & daily encreasing, it is
accounted one of the strongest Indian Towns upon this Part
48 CHRISTOPHER GISx's JOURNALS.
of the Continent — The Twigtwees are a very numerous Peo-
ple consisting of many different Tribes under the same Form
of Government. Each tribe has a particular Chief or King,
one of which is chosen indifferently out of any Tribe to rule
the whole Nation, and is vested with greater Authorities
than any of the others — They are accounted the most power-
ful People to the Westward of the English Settlements, &
much superior to the six Nations with whom they are now
in Amity : their Strength and Numbers are not thoroughly
known, as they have but lately traded with the English, and
indeed have very little Trade among them : they deal in much
the same Comodities with the Northern Indians. There are
other Nations or Tribes still further to the Westward daily
coming in to them, & 'tis thought their Power and Interest
reaches to the Westward of the Mississippi, if not across the
Continent ; they are at present very well affected to the Eng-
lish, and seem fond of an Alliance with them — they formerly
lived on the farther Side of the Obache, and were in the
French Interest, who supplied them with some few Trifles
at a most exorbitant Price — they were called by the French
Miamees ; but they have now revolted from them, and left
their former Habitations for the Sake of trading with the
English ; and notwithstanding all the Artifices the French
have used, they have not been able to recall them.
After We had been some Time in the King's House M'
Montour told Him that We wanted to speak with Him and
the Chiefs of this Nation this Evening upon which We were
invited into the long House, and having taken our Places
M' Montour began as follows — " Brothers the Twigtwees as
" We have been hindered by the high Waters and some other
" Business with our Indian Brothers, no Doubt our long Stay
"has caused some Trouble among our Brethren here, There-
" fore We now present you with two Strings of Wampum to
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 49
" remove all the Trouble of your Hearts, & clear your Eyes,
"that You may see the Sun shine clear, for We have a great
" Deal to say to You, & We woud have You send for one of
" Your Friends that can speak the Mohickon or the Mingoe
" Tongues well, that We may understand each other thoroughly,
"for We have a great Deal of Business to do" — The Mo-
hickons are a small Tribe who most of them speak English,
and are also well acquainted with the Language of the Twig-
twees, and they with theirs — M' Montour then proceeded to
deliver Them a Message from the Wyendotts and Delawares
as follows " Brothers the Twigtwees, this comes by our Bro-
" thers the English who are coming with good News to You :
" We hope You will take Care of Them, and all our Brothers
" the English who are trading among You : You made a Road
"for our Brothers the English to come and trade among You,
" but it is now very foul, great Loggs are fallen across it, and
"We would have You be strong like Men, and have one
" Heart with Us, and make the Road clear, that our Brothers
" the English may have free Course and Recourse between
*' You and Us — In the Sincerity of our Hearts We send You
"these four Strings of Wampum, to which they gave the
usual Yo Ho — Then they said they wanted some Tobacco to
smoak with Us, and that tomorrow they woud send for their
Interpreter.
Monday Fely i8. — We walked about viewed the Fort which
wanted some Repairs, & the Trader's Men helped Them to
bring Loggs to line the Inside.
Tuesday 19. — We gave their Kings and great Men some
Clothes, and Paint Shirts, and now they were busy dressing
and preparing themselves for the Council — The Weather
grew warm and the Creeks began to lower very fast.
Wednesday 20. — About 12 of the Clock We were informed
that some of the foreign Tribes were coming, upon which
50 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
proper Persons were ordered to meet them and conduct Them
into the Town, and then We were invited into the long House ;
after We had been seated about a Quarter of an Hour four
Indians, two from each Tribe (who had been sent before
to bring the long Pipe, and to inform that the rest were com-
ing) came in, & informed Us that their Friends had sent
these Pipes that We might smoak the Calamut Pipe of Peace
with Them and that they intended to do the same with Us.
Thursday Feb'' 21. — We were again invited into the long
House where M' Croghan made them(with the foreign Tribes)
a Present to the Value of ;^ioo Pensylvania Money, and
delivered all our Speeches to Them, at which they seemed
well pleased, and said, that they would take Time and con-
sider well what We had said to Them.
Friday 22. — Nothing remarkable happened in the Town.
Saturday 23.— In the Afternoon there was an Alarm in the
Town which caused a great Confusion and running about
among the Indians, upon enquiring into the Reason of this
Stir, they told Us that it was occasioned by six Indians that
came to war against Them, from the Southward : three of
them Cutaways, and three Shanaws (these were some of the
Shanaws who had formerly deserted from the other Part of
the Nation, and now live to the Southward) Towards Night
there was a report spread in Town that four Indians, and four
hundred French, were on their March and just by the Town :
But soon after the Messenger who brought this News said,
there were only four french Indians coming to Council, and
that they bid him say so, only to see how the English woud
behave themselves ; but as they had behaved themselves like
Men, He now told the Truth.
Sunday 24. — This Morning the four French Indians came
into Town and were kindly received by the Town Indians ;
they marched in under French Colours, and were con-
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. $1
ducted into the long House, and after they had been in about
a Quarter of an Hour, the Council sate, and We were sent for
that We might hear what the French had to say to them —
The Pyankeshee King (who was at that Time the principal
Man, and Comander in Chief of the Twigtwees) said. He
woud have the English Colours set up in this Council as well
as the French, to which We answered he might do as he
thought fit. After We were seated right opposite to the
French Embassadors, One of Them said, He had a Present to
make Them, so a Place was prepared (as they had before done
for our Present) between Them and Us, and then their
Speaker stood up, and layed His hands upon two small Caggs
of Brandy that held about seven Quarts each, and a Roll of
Tobacco of about ten Pounds Weight, then taking two strings
of Wampum in his Hand, He said, "What he had to deliver
Them was "from their Father (meaning the French King)
"and he desired they woud hear what he was about to say to
"Them;" then he layed them two Strings of Wampum down
upon the Caggs, and taking up four other Strings of black
and white Wampum, he said, "that their Father remembring
"his Children, had sent them two Caggs of Milk, and some
" Tobacco, and that he now had made a clear Road for them,
"to come and see Him and his Officers; and pressed them
" very much to come ; then he took another String of Wampum
in his Hand, and said, "their Father now woud forget all lit-
" tie Differences that had been between Them, and desired
"Them not to be of two Minds, but to let Him know their
"Minds freely, for He woud send for Them no more" — To
which the Pyankeshee King replyed, "it was true their
" Father had sent for them several Times, and said the Road
"was clear, but He understood it was made foul & bloody,
" and by Them— We (said He) have cleared a Road for our
" Brothers the English, and your Fathers have made it bad,
52 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
" and have taken some of our Brothers Prisoners, Which We
"look upon as clone to Us, and he turned short about and
" went out of Council " — After the French Embassador had
delivered his Message He went into one of the private Houses
and endeavoured much to prevail on some Indians, and was
seen to cry and lament (as he said for the Loss of that
Nation.
Monday Feb'' 25. — This Day We receieved a Speech from
the Wawaughtanneys and Pyankeshees (two Tribes of the
Twigtwees) One of the Chiefs of the former spoke " Broth-
" ers. We have heard what You have said to Us by the Inter-
" prefer and We see You take Pity upon our poor Wives and
"Children, and have taken Us by the Hand into the great
" Chain of Friendship ; therefore We present You with these
" two Bundles of Skins to make Shoes for your People, and
"this Pipe to smoak in, to assure You that our Hearts are
"good and true towards You our Brothers ; and We hope that
" We shall all continue in true Love and Friendship with one
"another, as People with one Head and one Heart ought to
" do ; You have pityed Us as You always did the rest of our
"Indian Brothers, We hope that Pity You have always shewn,
"will remain as long as the Sun gives Light, and on our Side
" you may depend upon sincere and true Friendship towards
" You as long as We have Strength " — This Person stood up
and spoke with the Air and Gesture of an Orator.
Tuesday 26. — The Twigtwees delivered the following
Answer to the four Indians sent by the French — The Cap-
tain of the Warriors stood up and taking some Strings of
black and white Wampum in j;his Hand he spoke with a
fierce Tone and very warlike Air — " Brothers the Ottaways,
" You are always differing with the French Yourselves, and
" yet You listen to what they say, but We will let You know by
" these four Strings of Wampum, that We will not hear any
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 53
" Thing they say to Us, nor do any Thing they bid Us ' ' —
Then the same Speaker with six Strouds two Match-Coats,
and a String of black Wampum (I understood the Goods
were in Return for the Milk and Tobacco) and directing his
Speech to the French said, "Fathers, you desire that We
" may speak our Minds from our Hearts, which I am going to
" do ; You have often desired We shoud go Home to You,
" but I tell You it is not our Home, for We have made a Road
" as far as the Sea to the Sun-rising, and have been taken by
" the Hand by our Brothers the English, and the six Nations,
" and the Delawares Shannoahs and Wyendotts, and We as-
" sure You it is the Road We will go ; and as You threaten
" Us with War in the Spring, We tell You if You are angry
" We are ready to receive You, and resolve to die here before
" We will go to You ; And that You may know that this our
" Mind, We send You this String of black Wampum." After
a short Pause the same Speaker spoke again thus — " Brothers
" the Ottaways, You hear what I say, tell that to your Fath-
" ers the French, for that is our Mind, and We speak it from
" our Hearts.
Wednesday 27. — This Day they took down their French
Colours, and dismissed the four French Indians, so they took
their Leave of the Town and set off for the French Fort.
Thursday 28. — The Crier of the Town came by the King's
Order and invited Us to the long House to see the Warriors
Feather Dance ; it was performed by three Dancing-Masters,
who we're painted all over with various Colours, with long
Sticks in their Hands, upon the Ends of which were fastened
long Feathers of Swans, and other Birds, neatly woven in the
Shape of a Fowls Wing: in this Disguise they performed
many antick Tricks, waving their Sticks and Feathers about
with great Skill to imitate the flying and fluttering of Birds,
keeping exact Time with their Musick ; while they are danc-
54 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
ing some of the Warriors strikes a Post, upon which the
Musick and Dancers cease, and the Warrior gives an Account
of his Atchievements in War, and when he has done, throws
down some Goods as a Recompence to the Performers and
Musicians ; after which they proceed in their Dance as before
till another Warrior strikes y" Post, and so on as long as the
Company think fit
Friday March i. — We received the following Speech from
the Twigtwees the Speaker stood up and addressing himself
as to the Governor of Pensylvania with two Strings of
Wampum in his Hand, He said — " Brothers our Hearts are
"glad that You have taken Notice of Us, and surely Brothers
"We hope that You will order a Smith to settle here to
" mend our Guns and Hatchets, Your Kindness makes Us
" so bold to ask this Request. You told Us our Friendship
" should last as long, and be as the greatest Mountain, We
" have considered well, and all our great Kings & Warriors
"are come to a Resolution never to give Heed to what the
" French say to Us, but always to hear & believe what You
" our Brothers say to Us — Brothers We are obliged to You
"for your kind Invitation to receive a Present at the Loggs
" Town, but as our foreign Tribes are not yet come, We must
" wait for them, but You may depend We will come as soon
"as our Women have planted Corn to hear what our Brothers
"will say to Us — Brothers We present You with this Bundle
" of Skins, as We are but poor to be for Shoes for You on
" the Road, and We return You our hearty Thanks for the
" Clothes which You have put upon our Wives and Children "
— We then took our Leave of the Kings and Chiefs, and they
ordered that a small Party of Indians shoud go with Us as
far as Hockhockin ; but as I had left my Boy and Horses at
the lower Shannoah Town, I was obliged to go by myself or
to go sixty or seventy Miles out of my Way, which I did not
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 55
care to do ; so we all came over the Miamee River together
this Evening, but M' Croghan & M' Montour went over again
& lodged in the Town, but I stayed on this Side at one Robert
Smith's (a Trader) where We had left our Horses — Before the
French Indians had come into Town, We had drawn Articles
of Peace and Alliance between the English and the Wa-
waughtanneys and Pyankeshees ; the Indentures were signed
sealed and delivered on both Sides, and as I drew them I
took a Copy — The Land upon the great Miamee River is
very rich level and well timbered, some of the finest Meadows
that can be : The Indians and Traders assure Me that the
Land holds as good and if possible better, to the Westward
as far as the Obache which is accounted lOO Miles, and quite
up to the Head of the Miamee River, which is 60 Miles
above the Twigtwee Town, and down the said River quite to
the Ohio which is reckoned 150 Miles — The Grass here
grows to a great Height in the clear Fields, of which there
are a great Number, & the Bottoms are full of white Clover,
wild Rye, and blue Grass.
Saturday March 2. — George Croghan and the rest of our
Company came over the River, We got our Horses, & set
out about 35 M. to Mad Creek (this is a Place where some
English Traders had been taken Prisoners by the French.)
Sunday 3. — This Morning We parted. They for Hock-
hockin, and I for the Shannoah Town, and as I was quite alone
and knew that the French Indians had threatened Us, and
woud probably pursue or lye in Wait for Us, I left the Path,
and went to the South Westward down the little Miamee
River or Creek, where I had fine traveling thro rich Land
and beautiful Meadows, in which I coud sometimes see forty
or fifty Buffaloes feeding at once— The little Miamee River
or Creek continued to run thro the Middle of a fine Meadow,
about a Mile wide very clear like an old Field, and not a Bush
56 CHRISTOPHER GISX's JOURNALS.
in it, I coud see the Buffaloes in it above two Miles off : I
travelled this Day about 30 M.
Monday 4. — This Day I heard several Guns, but was afraid
to examine who fired Them, lest they might be some of the
French Indians, so I travelled thro the Woods about 30 M ;
just at Night I killed a fine barren Cow-Buffaloe and took out
her Tongue, and a little of the best of her Meat : The Land
still level rich and well timbered with Oak, Walnut, Ash,
Locust, and Sugar Trees.
Tuesday 5. — I travelled about 30 M.
Wednesday 6. — I travelled about 30 M, and killed a fa", B r.
Thursday 7. — Set out with my Horse Load of Bear and
travelled about 30 M this Afternoon I met a young ]\Ian (1
Trader) and We encamped together that Night ; He happened
to have some Bread with Him, and I had plenty of Meat, so
We fared very well.
Friday 8. — Travelled about 30 M, and arrived at Night at
the Shannoah Town — All the Indians, as well as the white
Men came out to welcome my Return to their Town, being
very glad that all Things were rightly settled in the Miamee
Country, they fired upwards of 150 Guns in the Town, and
made an Entertainment in Honour of the late Peace with the
western Indians — In my Return from the Twigtwee to the
Shannoah Town, I did not keep an exact Account of Course
or Distance ; for as the Land thereabouts was every where
much the same, and the Situation of the Country was suf-
ficiently described in my Journey to the Twigtwee Town, I
thought it unnecessary, but have notwithstanding laid down
my Tract pretty nearly in my Plat.
Saturday March 9. — In the Shannoah Town, I met with
one of the Mingoe Chiefs, who had been down at the Falls of
Ohio, so that We did not see Him as We went up ; I in-
formed Him of the King's Present, and the Invitation down
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. $7
to Virginia — He told that there was a Party of French In-
dians hunting at the Falls, and if I went there they would
certainly kill Me or carry Me away Prisoner to the French ;
For it is certain they would not let Me pass : However as I
had a great Inclination to see the Falls, and the Land on the
E Side the Ohio, I resolved to venture as far as possible.
Sunday 10 & Monday ii. — Stayed in the Town, and pre-
pared for my Departure.
Tuesday 12. — I got my Horses over the River and after
Breakfast my Boy and I got ferryed over — The Ohio is near
% of a Mile wide at Shannoah Town, & is very deep and
smooth.
Wednesday 13. — We set out S 45 W, down the said River
on the SE Side 8 M, then S 10 M, here I met two Men be-
longing to Robert Smith at whose House I lodged on this
Side the Miamee River, and one Hugh Crawford, the said
Robert Smith had given Me an Order upon these Men, for
two of the Teeth of a large Beast, which they were bringing
from towards the Falls of Ohio, one of which I brought in
and delivered to the Ohio Company — Robert Smith informed
Me that about seven Years ago these Teeth and Bones of
three large Beasts (one of which was somewhat smaller than
the other two) were found in a salt Lick or Spring upon a
small Creek which runs into the S Side of the Ohio, about
15 M, below the Mouth of the great Miamee River, and 20
above the Falls of Ohio — He assured Me that the Rib Bones
of the largest of these Beasts were eleven Feet long, and the
Skull Bone six feet wide, across the Forehead, & the other
Bones in Proportion; and that there were several Teeth
there, some of which he called Horns, and said they were up-
wards of five Feet long, and as much as a Man coud well
carry : that he had hid one in a Branch at some Distance
from the Place, lest the French Indians shoud carry it away
5
58 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
— The Tooth which I brought in for the Ohio Company, was
a Jaw Tooth of better than four Pounds Weight ; it appeared
to be the furthest Tooth in the Jaw, and looked like fine Ivory
when the outside was scraped off — I also met with four Shan-
noah Indians coming up the River in their Canoes, who in-
formed me that there were about sixty French Indians en-
camped at the Falls.
Thursday 14. — I went down the River S 15 M, the Land
upon this Side the Ohio chiefly broken, and the Bottoms but
narrow.
Friday 15.— S 5 M, SW 10 M, to a Creek that was so high,
that We coud not get over that Night.
Saturday 16.— S 45 W about 35 M.
Sunday 17. — The same Course 15 M, then N 45 W 5 M.
Monday 18.— N 45 W 5 M then SW 20 M, to the lower Salt
Lick Creek, which Robert Smith and the Indians told Us was
about 15 M above the Falls of Ohio ; the Land still hilly, the
Salt Lick here much the same with those before described —
this Day W6 heard several Guns which made me imagine the
French Indians were not moved, but were still hunting, and
firing thereabouts : We also saw some Traps newly set, and
the Footsteps of some Indians plain on the Ground as if they
had been there the Day before — I was now much troubled
that I could not comply with my Instructions, & was once re-
solved to leaye the Boy and Horses, and to go privately on Foot
to view the Falls ; but the Boy being a poor Hunter, was
afraid he woud starve if I was long from him, and there was
also great Danger lest the French Indians shoud come upon
our Horses Tracts, or hear their Bells, and as I had seen good
Land enough, I thought perhaps I might be blamed for ven-
turing so far, in such dangerous Times, so I concluded not to
go to the Falls ; but travell'd away to the Southward till We were
over the little Cuttaway River — The Falls of Ohio by the best
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 59
Information I coud get are not very steep, on the SE Side
there is a Bar of Land at some Distance from the Shore, the
Water between the Bar and the Shore is not above 3 feet
deep, and the Stream moderately strong, the Indians fre-
quently pass safely in their Canoes thro this Passage, but are
obliged to take great Care as they go down lest the Current
which is much the strongest on the NW Side shoud draw
them that Way ; which woud be very dangerous as the Water
on that Side runs with great Rapidity over several Ledges of
Rocks ; the Water below the Falls they say is about six Fath-
oms deep, and the River continues without any Obstructions
till it empties itself into the Missisippi which is accounted
upwards of 400 M — The Ohio near the Mouth is said to be
very wide, and the Land upon both Sides very rich, and in
general very level, all the Way from the Falls— After I had
determined not to go to the Falls, We turned from Salt Lick
Creek, to a Ridge of Mountains that made towards the Cutta-
way River, & from the Top of the Mountain We saw a fine
level Country SW as Far as our Eyes coud behold, and it was
a very clear Day ; We then went down the Mountain and set
out S 20 W about 5 M, thro rich level Land covered with
small Walnut Sugar Trees, Red-Buds, &c.
Tuesday March 19. — We set out S and crossed several
Creeks all running to the SW, at about 12 M, came to the
little Cuttaway River : We were obliged to go up it about i
M to an Island, which was the shoalest Place We coud find
to cross at, We then continued our Course in all about 30 M
thro level rich Land except about 2 M which was broken and
indifferent — This Level is about 35 M broad, and as We came
up the Side of it along the Branches of the little Cuttaway
We found it about 150 M long; and how far toward the SW
We coud not tell, but imagined it held as far as the great
Cuttaway River, which woud be upwards of 100 M more, and
60 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
appeared much broader that Way than here, as I coud dis-
cern from the Tops of the Mountains
Wednesday 20. — We did not travel, I went up to the Top
of a Mountain to view the Country, to the SE it looked very
broken, and mountainous but to the Eastward and SW it
appeared very level.
Thursday 21.— Set out S 45 E 15 M, S 5 M, here I found a
Place where the Stones shined like high-coloured Brass, the
Heat of the Sun drew out of them a Kind of Borax or Salt
Petre only something sweeter ; some of which I brought in to
the Ohio Company, tho I believe it was Nothing but a Sort
of Sulphur.
Friday 22. — SE 12 M, I killed a fat Bear, and was taken
sick that Night.
Saturday 23. — I stayed here, and sweated after the Indian
Fashion, which helped Me.
Sunday 24.— Set out E 2 M, NE 3 M, N i M, E 2 M,SE 5
M, E 2 M, N 2 M, SE 7 M to a small Creek, where We
encamped in a Place where We had but poor Food for our
Horses, & both We and They were very much wearied : the
Reason of our making so many short Courses was. We were
driven by a Branch of the little Cuttaway River (whose Banks
were so exceeding steep that it was impossible to ford it) into
a Ledge of rocky Laurel Mountains which were almost impass-
able.
Monday 25.— Set out SE 12 M, N 2 M, E I M, S 4 M,SE 2
M, We killed a Buck Elk here and took out his Tongue to
carry with Us.
Tuesday 26.— Set out SE 10 M, SW i M, SE i M, SW i
M SE I M, SW I M, SE I M SW I M SE 5 M killed 2
Buffaloes & took out their Tongues and encamped — These
two Days We travelled thro Rocks and Mountains full of
Laurel Thickets which We coud hardly creep thro without
cutting our Way.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 6l
Wednesday 27. — Our Horses and Selves were so tired that
We were obliged to stay this Day to rest, for We were unable
to travel— On all the Branches of the little Cuttaway River
was great Plenty of fine Coal some of which I brought in to
the Ohio Company.
Thursday 28. — Set out SE 15 M crossing several Creeks of
the little Cuttaway River, the Land still full of Coal and
black Slate.
Friday 29.— The same Course SE about 12 M the Land
still mountainous.
Saturday 30. — Stayed to rest our Horses, I went on Foot,
and found a Passage thro the Mountains to another Creek, or
a Fork of the same Creek that We were upon.
Sunday 31. — The same Course SE 15 M, killed a Buffaloe
& encamped.
Monday April i. — Set out the same Course about 20 M.
Part of the Way We went along a Path up the Side of a little
Creek, at the Head of which was a Gap in the Mountains,
then our Path went down another Creek to a Lick where
Blocks of Coal about 8 to 10 In : square lay upon the Surface
of the Ground, here We killed a Bear and encamped.
Tuesday 2.— Set out S 2 M, SE i M, NE 3 M, killed a Buf-
faloe.
Wednesday 3.— S i M, SW 3 M, E 3 M, SE 2 M, to a small
Creek on which was a large Warriors Camp, that woud contain
70 or 80 Warriors, their Captain's Name or Title was the Crane,
as I knew by his Picture or Arms painted on a Tree.
Thursday 4. — We stayed here all Day to rest our Horses,
and I platted down our Courses and I found I had still near
200 M Home upon a streight Line.
Friday April 5. — Rained, and We stayed at the Warrior's
Camp.
Saturday 6. — We went along the Warrior's Road S i M, SE
3 M, S 2 M, SE 3 M, E 3 M, killed a Bear.
62 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Sunday 7.— Set out E 2 M, NE i M, SE i M, S i M, W i
M, SW I M, S I M, SE 2 M, S i M.
Monday 8.— S i M, SE i M, E 3 M, SE i M, E 3 M, NE 2
M, N I M, E I M, N I M, E 2 M and encamped upon a small
Laurel Creek.
Tuesday 9 & Wednesday 10. — The Weather being some-
what bad We did not travel these two Days, the Country be-
ing still rocky mountainous, & full of Laurel Thickets, the
worst traveling I ever saw.
Thursday 11. — We travelled several Courses near 20 M,
but in the Afternoon as I coud see from the Top of the Moun-
tain the Place We came from, I found We had not come upon
a streight Line more than N 65 E 10 M.
Friday 12. — Set out thro very difficult Ways E 5 M, to a
small Creek.
Saturday 13. — The same Course E upon a streight Line,
tho the Way We were obliged to travel was near 20 M, here
We killed two Bears, the Way still rocky and mountainous.
Sunday 14. — As Food was very scarce in these barren
Mountains, We were obliged to move for fresh Feeding for
our Horses, so We went on E 5 M, then N 20 W 6 M, to a
Creek where We got something better Feeding for our Horses,
in climbing up the Clifts and Rocks this Day two of our
Horses fell down, and were pretty much hurt, and a Paroquete,
which I had got from the Indians, on the other Side the
Ohio (where there are a great many) died of a Bruise he got
by a Fall ; tho it was but a Trifle I was much concerned at
losing Him, as he was perfectly tame, and had been very brisk
all the Way, and I had still Corn enough left to feed Him —
In the Afternoon I left the Horses, and went a little Way
down the Creek, and found such a Precipice and such Laurel
Thickets as We coud not pass, and the Horses were not able
to go up the Mountain till they had rested a Day or two.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY, 63
Monday 1 5. — We cut a Passage through the Laurels better
than 2 M, as I was climbing up the Rocks, I got a Fall which
hurted Me pretty much — This Afternoon as We wanted Provi-
sion I killed a Bear.
Tuesday 16. — Thunder and Rain in the Morning — We set
out N 25 E 3 M.
Wednesday 17. — This Day I went to the Top of a Moun-
tain to view the Way, and found it so bad that I did not care
to engage it, but rather chose to go out of the Way and keep
down along the Side of a Creek till I coud find a Branch or
Run on the other Side to go up.
Thursday 18. — Set out down the said Creek Side N 3 M,
then the Creek turning NW I was obliged to leave it, and go
up a Ridge NE i M, E 2 M, SE 2 M, NE i M, to the Fork
of a River.
Friday 19.— Set out down the said Run NE 2 M, E 2 M,
SE 2 M, N 20 E 2 M, E 2 M, up a large Run.
Saturday 20. — Set out SE 10 M, E 4 M, over a small Creek
— We had such bad traveling down this Creek, that We had
like to have lost one of our Horses.
Sunday 21. — Stayed to rest our Horses.
Monday 22. — Rained all Day — We coud not travel.
Tuesday 23.— Set out E 8 M along a Ridge of Mountains
then SE 5 M, E 3 M, SE 4 M, and encamped among very
steep Mountains.
Wednesday 24.— SE 4 M thro steep Mountains and
Thickets E 6 M.
Thursday 25.— E 5 M, SE I M, NE 2 M, SE 2 M, E i M,
then S 2 M, E I M killed a Bear.
Friday 26.— Set out SE 2 M, here it rained so hard We
were obliged to stop.
Saturday 27 Sunday 28 & Monday 29.— These three Days
it continued raining & bad Weather, so that We coud not tra-
64 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
vel — All the Way from Salt Lick Creek to this Place, the
Branches of the little Cuttaway River were so high that We
coud not pass Them, which obliged Us to go over the Heads
of them, thro a continued Ledge of almost inaccessible
Mountains, Rocks and Laurel Thickets.
Tuesday 30.— Fair Weather set out E 3 M, SE 8 M, E 2
M, to a little River or Creek which falls into the big Conha-
way, called blue Stone, where we encamped and had good
Feeding for our Horses.
Wednesday May i. — Set out N 75 E 10 M and killed a Buf-
faloe, then went up a very high Mountain, upon the Top of
which was a Rock 60 or 70 Feet high, & a Cavity in the
Middle, into which I went, and found there was a Passage
thro it which gradually ascended to the Top, with several
Holes in the Rock, which let in the Light, when I got to the
Top of this Rock, I could see a prodigious Distance, and
coud plainly discover where the big Conhaway River broke
the next high Mountain, I then came down and continued my
Course N 75 E 5 M farther and encamped.
Thursday 2 & Friday 3. — These two Days it rained and We
stayed at our Camp to take Care of some Provision We had
killed.
Saturday 4. — This Day our Horses run away, and it was
late before We got Them, so We coud not travel far. We
went N 75 E 4 M.
Sunday May 5. — Rained all Day.
Monday 6. — Set out thro very bad Ways E 3 M, NE 6 M,
over a bad Laurel Creek E 4 M.
Tuesday 7. — Set out E 10 M,to the big Conhaway or new
River and got over half of it to a large Island where We
lodged that Night.
Wednesday 8. — We made a Raft of Logs and crossed the
other half of the River & went up it S about 2 M — The Con-
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 6$
haway or new River (by some called Wood's River) where I
crossed it (which was about 8 M above the Mouth of blue
Stone River) is better than 200 Yards wide, and pretty deep,
but full of Rocks and Falls — The Bottoms upon it and blue
Stone River are very rich but narrow, the high Land broken.
Thursday 9. — Set out E 13 M to a large Indian Warrior's
Camp, where We killed a Bear and stayed all Night.
Friday 10.— Set out E 4 M, SE 3 M, S 3 M, thro Mountains
cover'd with Ivy and Laurel Thickets.
Saturday 11. — Set out S 2 M, SE 5 M, to a Creek and a
Meadow where We let our Horses feed, then SE 2 M, S i M,
SE 2 M to a very high Mountain up on the Top of which was
a Lake or Pond about % oi a. Mile long NE & SW, & ^ of
a Mile wide the Water fresh and clear, and a clean gravelly
Shore about 10 Yards wide with a fine Meadow and six fine
Springs in it, then S about 4 M, to a Branch of the Conhaway
called Sinking Creek.
Sunday 12. — Stayed to rest our Worses and dry some Meat
We had killed.
Monday 13.— Set out SE 2 M, E i M, SE 3 M, S 12 M to
one Rich'' Hall^ in Augusta County this Man is one of the
farthest Settlers to the Westward upon the New River.
Tuesday 14. — Stayed at Rich" Hall's and wrote to the Presi-
dent of Virginia & the Ohio Company to let them know I
shoud be with Them by the 15'" of June.
Wednesday 15.— Set out from Rich" Hall's S 16 M.
Thursday 16. — The same Course S 22 M and encamped at
Beaver Island Creek (a Branch of the Conhaway) opposite to
the Head of Roanoke.
Friday 17.— Set out SW 3 M, then S 9 M, to the dividing
Line between Carolina and Virginia, where I stayed all Night,
the Land from Rich Hall's to this Place is broken.
Saturday 18. — Set out S 20 ,M to my own House on the
66 CHRTSTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Yadkin River, when I came there I found all my Family
gone, for the Indians had killed five People in the Winter
near that Place, which frightened my Wife and Family away
to Roanoke about 35 M nearer in among the Inhabitants,
which I was informed of by an old Man I met near the Place.
Sunday 19. — Set out for Roanoke, and as We had now a
Path, We got there the same Night where I found all my
Family well.
Christopher Gist.
i
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO M' CHRISTOPHER GIST BY
THE COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY
JULY 16"" 1751.
After You have returned from Williamsburg and have exe-
cuted the Commission of the President & Council, if they shall
think proper to give You One, otherwise as soon as You can
conveniently You are to apply to Col° Cresap for such of the
Company's Horses, as You shall want for the Use of yourself
and such other Person or Persons You shall think necessary
to carry with You ; and You are to look out & observe the
nearest & most convenient Road You can find from the Com-
pany's Store at Wills's Creek to a Landing at Mohongeyela ;
from thence You are to proceed down the Ohio on the South
Side thereof, as low as the Big Conhaway, and up the same
as far as You judge proper, and find good Land — You are all
the Way to keep an exact Diary & Journal & therein note
every Parcel of good Land, with the Quantity as near as You
can by any Means compute the same, with the Breadth,
Depth, Course and Length of the several Branches falling
into the Ohio, & the different Branches any of Them are
forked into, laying the same as exactly down in a Plan thereof
as You can ; observing also the Produce, the several Kinds
of Timber and Trees, observing where there is Plenty and
where the Timber is scarce ; and You are not to omit proper
Observations on the mountainous, barren, or broken Land,
that We may on your Return judge what Quantity of good
Land is contained within the Compass of your Journey, for
We woud not have You omit taking Notice of any Quantity
(67)
68 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
of good Land, tho not exceeding 4 or 500 Acres provided
the same lies upon the River Ohio & may be convenient for
our building Store Houses & other Houses for the better
carrying on a Trade and Correspondence down that River.
175 1. — Pursuant to my Instructions hereunto annexed from
the Committee of the Ohio Company bearing Date 16* July
1751
Monday Nov' 4. — Set out from the Company's Store House
in Frederick County Virginia opposite the Mouth of Wills's
Creek and crossing Potomack River went W 4 M to a Gap in
the Allegany Mountains upon the S W Fork of the said
Creek — This Gap is the nearest to Potomack River of any in
the Allegany Mountains, and is accounted one of the best,
tho the Mountain is very high, The Ascent is no where very
steep but rises gradually near 6 M, it is now very full of old
Trees & Stones, but with some Pains might be made a good
Waggon Road ; this Gap is directly in the Way to Mohongaly,
& several Miles nearer than that the Traders commonly pass
thro, and a much better Way.
Tuesday 5. — Set out N 80 W 8 M, it rained and obliged Us
to stop.
Wednesday 6. — The same Course 3 M hard Rain.
Thursday 7. — Rained hard and We coud not travel.
Friday 8. — Set out the same Courses N 80 W 3 M, here
We encamped, and turned to see where the Branches lead to
& found they descended into the middle Fork of Yaughaugh-
gaine — We hunted all the Ground for 10 M, or more and
killed several Deer, & Bears, and one large Elk — The Bottoms
upon the Branches are but narrow with some Indian Fields
about 2000 Acres of good high Land about a Mile from the
largest Branch.
From Saturday 9 to Tuesday 19. — We were employed in
searching the Lands and discovering the Branches Creeks
&c.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 69
Wednesday 20. — Set out N 45 W 5 M killed a Deer.
Thursday 21. — The same Course 5 M the greatest Part of
this Day We were cutting our Way thro' a Laurel Thicket
and lodged by the Side of one at Night.
Friday 22. — Set out the same Course N 45 W 2 M and cut
our Way thro a great Laurel Thicket to the middle Fork of
Yaughyaughgaine then S down the said Fork (crossing a
Run) I M, then S 45 W 2 M over the said Fork where We
encamped.
Saturday 23. — Rested our Horses and examined the Land
on Foot, which We found to be tolerable rich & well timbered
but stony and broken.
Sunday 24. — Set out W 2 M then S 45 W 6 M over the S
Fork and encamp'd on the SW Side about i M from a small
Hunting Town of the Delawares from whom I bought some
Com — I invited these Indians to the Treaty at the Loggs
Town, the full Moon in May, as Col° Patton had desired Me ;
they treated Me very civilly, but after I went from that Place
my Man informed Me that they threatened to take away our
Guns and not let Us travel.
Monday 25. — Set out W 6 M, then S 45 W 2 M to a Laurel
Creek, where We encamped & killed some Deer.
From Tuesday 26 to Thursday 28. — We were examining
the Lands which We found to be rocky and mountainous.
Friday 29.— Set out W 3 M then N 65 W 3 M, N 45
W 2 M.
From Saturday 30 to Friday Dec' 6. — We searched the Land
several Miles round and found it about 15 M from the Foot
of the Mountains to the River Mohongaly the first 5 M of
which E & W is good level farming Land, with fine Meadows,
the Timber white Oak and Hiccory — the same Body of Land
holds 10 M, S, to the upper Forks of Mohongaly, and about
10 M, N, towards the Mouth of Yaughyaughgaine— The Land
70 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
nearer the River for about 8 or 9 M wide, and the same
Length is much richer & better timbered, with Walnut,
Locust, Poplars and Sugar-Trees, but is in some Places very
hilly, the Bottoms upon the River i M, and in some Places
near 2 M wide.
Saturday 7. — Set out W 6 M and went to an Indian Camp
and invited them to the Treaty at the Loggs Town at the full
Moon in May next ; at this Camp there was a Trader named
Charles Poke who spoke the Indian Tongue well, the Indian
to whom this Camp belonged after much Discourse with Me,
complained & said " my Friend You was sent tp Us last Year
" from the Great Men in Virginia to inform Us of a Present
" from the Great King over the Water, and if You can bring
" News from the King to Us, why cant You tell Him some-
" thing from Me ? The Proprietor of Pensylvania granted
" my Father a Tract of Land begining eight Miles below
" the Forks of Brandy Wine Creek and binding on the said
" Creek to the Fork and including the West Fork & all its
" Waters on both Sides to the Head Fountain — The White
" People now live on these Lands, and will neither let Me
" have Them, nor pay Me any Thing for Them — My Father's
" Name was Chickoconnecon, I am his eldest Son, and my
" Name is Nemicotton— I desire that You will let the Gov-
" ernor and Great Men in Virginia know this — It may be
" they will tell the great King of it, and he will make M' Pen
" or his People give Me the Land or pay Me for it — This
" Trader here Charles Poke knows the Truth of what I say,
" that the Land was granted to my Father, & that He or I
" never sold it, to which Charles Poke answered that Chicko-
" connecon had such a grant of Land, & that the People who
" lived on it coud get no Titles to it, for that it was now
" called Manner Lands — This I was obliged to insert in my
" Journal to please the Indian.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 71
Sunday Dec' 8. — Stayed at the Indian Camp.
Monday 9.— Set out S 45 W i M, W 6 M to the River
Mohongaly — at this Place is a large Cavity in a Rock about
30 Feet long & 20 Feet wide & about 7 Feet high and an
even Floor — The Entrance into it is so large and open that it
lets in Plenty of Light, and close by it is a Stream of fine
Water.
From Tuesday lo to Friday 13. — We were examining the
Lands which for 9 or 10 M, E is rich but hilly as before
described, on the E Side the River for several Miles there
are fine Bottoms a Mile wide and the Hills above them are
extraordinary rich and well timbered.
Saturday 14. — We had Snow.
Sunday 15. — Crossed the River Mohongaly which in this
Place is 53 Poles wide, the Bottoms upon the W Side are not
above 100 Yards broad, but the Hills are very rich both up and
down the River, and full of Sugar Trees.
Monday 16. — Spent in searching the Land.
Tuesday 17. — Set out W 5 M the Land upon this Course
hilly but very rich for about a Mile and a half, then it was
level with good Meadows but not very rich for about a Mile
& a half more, & the last 2 M next to Licking Creek was
very good Land ; upon this Creek We lodged at a hunting
Camp of an Indian Captain named Oppaymolleah, here
I saw an Indian named Joshua who spoke very good English ;
he had been acquainted with Me several Years, and seemed
very glad to see Me, and wondered much where I was going
so far in those Woods ; I said I was going to invite all the
great Men of the Indians to a Treaty to be held at Loggs Town,
the full Moon in May next, where a Parcel of Goods, a Present
from the King of Great Britain, would be delivered Them by
proper Commissioners, and that these were the Goods which
I informed them of last Year, by Order of the President of
72 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Virginia, Col° Lee, who was since dead, Joshua informed
Them what I said, and they told Me, I ought to let the Beaver
know this, so I wrote a Line to him by Joshua, who promised
to deliver it safe, and said there was a Trader's Man who
coud read it for him — This Beaver is the Sachemore or Chief
of the Delawares. It is customary among the Indian Chiefs
to take upon Them the Name of any Beast or Bird they
ancy, the Picture of which they always sign instead of their
Name or Arms.
Wednesday i8. — Stayed at the Camp.
Thursday 19,— Set out W 3 M, S 45 W 2 M, W i M to a
Branch of Licking Creek.
Friday 20. — Set out W i M, S 45 W 6 M and encamped.
From Saturday 21 to Tuesday, Jan'^ 7. — We stayed at this
Place, We had a good Deal of Snow & bad Weather — My
Son had the Misfortune to have his Feet frost-bitten, which
kept Us much longer here than We intended however We
kill'd Plenty of Deer Turkeys &c and fared very well — The
Land hereabouts very good but to the W and SW it is hilly.
1752
Wednesday Jan'>' 8 — My Son's Feet being somewhat
better, We set out S 30 W 5 M, S 45 W 3 M, the Land
middling good but hilly — I found my Son's Feet too tender
to travel, and we were obliged to stop again.
From Thursday 9 to Sunday 19. — We stayed at this Place
— While We were here We killed Plenty of Bear Deer &
Elk, so that We lived very well.
Monday 20. — We set out W j M — here we were stopped
by Snow.
Tuesday 21. — Stayed all the Day in the Camp.
Wednesday 22. — Set out S 45 W 12 M, where we scared
a Panther from under a Rock where there was Room enough
for Us, in it We encamped & had good Shelter.
I
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 73
From Thursday 23 to Sunday 26.— We stayed at this Place
& had Snow and bad Weather.
Monday 27.— Set out S 45 W 6 M, here We had Snow &
encamped.
From Tuesday 28 to Friday 31.— Stayed at this Place, the
Land upon these last Courses is rich but hilly and in some
Places Stony.
Saturday Feb i.— Set out S 45 W 3 M, S 45 E i M, S 2 M,
S 45 W I M, crossed a Creek on which the Land was very
hilly and rocky yet here and there good Spots on the Hills.
Sunday 2.— S 45 W 3 M, here We were stopped by Snow.
From Monday 3 till Sunday 9.— We stayed at this Place
and had a good Deal of Snow & bad Weather.
Monday 10.— Set out S 45 W 8 M— The Snow hard upon
the Top & bad traveling
Tuesday 11.— The same Course S 45 W 2 M, then W i M,
S 45 W 4 M.
Wednesday 12.— Killed two Buffaloes and searched the
Land to the NW which I found to be rich & well timbered
with lofty Walnuts, Ash, Sugar Trees &c but hilly in most
Places.
Thursday 13.— Set out W i M, S 45 W 2 M, W 2 M, S 45
W 2 M, W 2 M— In this Day's Journey We found a Place
where a Piece of Land about 100 Yards square & about 10
Feet deep from the Surface had slipped down a steep Hill,
somewhat more than it's own Breadth, with most of the
Trees standing on it upright as they were at first, and a good
many Rocks which appeared to be in the same Position as
they were before the Ground slipt : It had bent down and
crushed the Trees as it came along, which might plainly be
seen by the Ground on the upper Side of it, over which it
had passed — It seemed to have been done but two or three
Years ago — In the Place from whence it removed was a
6
74 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
large Quarry of Rocks, in the Sides of which were Veins of
several Colours, particularly one of a deep yellow, about 3
Feet from the Bottom, in which were other small Veins
some white, some a greenish Kind of Copperas : A Sample
of which I brought in to the Ohio Company in a small
Leather Bag N° i — Not very far from this Place We found
another large Piece of Earth, which had slipped down in the
same Manner — Not far from here We encamped in the Fork
of a Creek.
Friday 14. — We stayed at this Place — On the NW Side of
the Creek on a rising ground by a small Spring We found a
large Stone about 3 Feet Square on the Top, and about 6 or
7 Feet high; it was all covered with green Moss except on
the SE Side which was smooth and white as if plaistered
with Lime. On this Side I cut with a cold Chizzel in large
Letters,
THE OHIO COMPANY
FEB^ 175 1
BY CHRISTOPHER GIST
Saturday 15.— Set out S 45 W 5 M, rich Land but hilly,
very rich Bottoms up the Creek but not above 200 Yards
wide.
Sunday 16.— S 45 W 5 M thro rich Land, the Bottoms
about ^ of a Mile wide upon the Creek.
Monday 17. — The same Course S 45 W 3 M, W 3 M, S 45
W 3 M, S 20 W 3 M, S 8 M, S 45 W 2 M over a Creek upon
which was fine Land, the Bottoms about a Mile wide.
Tuesday Feb'' 18. — S 10 M over the Fork of a Creek S 45
W 4 M to the Top of a high Ridge, from whence We coud
see over the Conhaway River — Here We encamped, the Land
mixed with Pine and not very good.
Wednesday 19.— Set out S 15 M, S 45 W 6 M to the Mouth
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. ' 7$
of a little Creek, upon which the Land is very rich, and the
Bottoms a Mile wide — The Conhaway being very high over-
flowed some Part of the Bottoms.
Thursday 20. — Set out N 45 W 2 M across a Creek over a
Hill, then S 80 W 10 M to a large Run, all fine Land upon
this Course — (We were now about 2 M from the River Con-
haway)—Then continued our Course S 80 W 10 M, the first
5 M good high Land ; tolerably level the last 5 thro the
River Bottoms, which were a Mile wide and very rich, to a
Creek or large Run which We crossed, & continued our
Course S 80 W 2 M farther & encamped.
Friday 21. — The same Course S 80 W still continued 8 M
further ; then S 2 M to the Side of the River Conhaway, then
down the said River N 45 W i M to a Creek where We en-
camped— The Bottoms upon the River here are a Mile wide,
the Land very rich — The River at this Place is 79 Poles
broad.
Saturday 22.— Set out N 45 W 4 M, W 7 M, to a high Hill
from whence We coud see the River Ohio, then N 45 W 12
M to the River Ohio at the Mouth of a small Run where We
encamped. The Bottoms upon the River here are a Mile
wide & very good, but the high Land broken.
Sunday 23. — Set out S 45 E 14 M over Letort's Creek —
The Land upon this Creek is poor, broken, & full of Pines —
Then the same Course S 45 E 10 M and encamped on the
River Side upon fine rich Land the Bottoms about a Mile
wide.
Monday 24.— Set out E 12 M up the River all fine Land
the Bottoms about i}4 Miles wide, full of lofty Timber : then
N 5 M crossing Smith's Creek. The Land here is level &
good, but the Bottoms upon the River are not above }4 a
Mile wide— then N 45 E 8 M to a Creek called Beyansoss
where We encamped.
76 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
Tuesday 2$. — We searched the Land upon this Creek
which We found very good for 12 or 13 M up it from the
River — The Bottoms upon it are about }4 a Mile wide, & the
Bottoms upon the River at the Mouth of it a Mile wide, and
very well timbered.
Wednesday 26. — Set out N 45 E 13 M to the River Ohio at
the Mouth of a Creek called Lawwellaconin ; then S 55 E 5
M up the said Creek — The Bottoms upon this Creek are a
Mile wide & the high Land very good & not much broken, &
very well timbered
Thursday 27 Friday 28 & Saturday 29.— Rained and we
coud not travel — Killed four Buffaloes.
Sunday March i and Monday 2. — Set out N 30 E 10 M to
a little Branch full of Coal then N 30 E 16 M to Nawmissipia or
Fishing Creek — My Son hunted up this Creek (where I had
cut the Letters upon the Stone) which he said was not above
6 M in a streight Line from this Place — The Bottoms upon
this Creek are but narrow, the high Land hilly, but very rich
and well timbered.
Tuesday 3. — Set out N 30 E 18 M to Molchuconickon or
Buffaloe Creek.
Wednesday 4. — We hunted up and down this Creek to ex-
amine the Land— The Bottoms are % oi a. Mile wide & very
rich, a great many cleared Fields covered with white Clover,
the high Land rich, but in general, hilly.
Thursday 5. — Set out N 30 E 9 M to a Creek called Nee-
mokeesy where We killed a black Fox & two Bears — Upon
this Creek We found a Cave under a Rock about 150 Feet
long & 55 feet wide ; one Side of it open facing the Creek,
the Floor dry — We found it had been much used by Buffaloes
& Elks who came there to lick a kind of saltish Clay which I
found in the Cave, and of which I took a sample in a Leather
Bag N . 2.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. JJ
Friday March 6.— We stayed at the Cave— Not very far
from it We saw a Herd of Elks near 30 one of which my Son
killed.
Saturday 7.— Set out N 30 E 7 M to the Ohio River— The
Bottoms here were very rich and near 2 M wide ; but a little
higher up, the Hill seemed very steep, so that We were
obliged to leave the River & went E 6 M on very high Land ;
then N 9 M thro' very good high Land tolerable level to a
Creek called Wealin or Scalp Creek where We encamped.
Sunday 8. — We went out to search the Land which We
found very good for near 15 M up this Creek from the Mouth
of it, the Bottoms above a Mile wide & some Meadows — We
found an old Indian Road up this Creek.
Monday 9. — Set out N 45 E 18 M to a Creek — The same
Course 3 M to another Creek where We encamped — These
Creeks the Traders distinguish by the Name of the two
Creeks.
Tuesday 10. — We hunted up and down these Creeks to ex-
amine the Land from the Mouths of Them, to the place
where We had crossed near the Heads of Them ; in our Way
to the Conhaway — They run near parallel at about 3 or 4 M
Distance, for upwards of 30 M— The Land between Them all
the Way is rich & level, chiefly Low Grounds & finely tim-
bered with Walnuts, Locusts, Cherry Trees, & Sugar Trees
Wednesday 11. — Set out E 18 M crossing three Creeks all
good Land but hilly then S 16 M to our old Camp, where my
Son had been frost-bitten. After We had got to this Place in
our old Tract, I did not keep any exact Account of Course
and Distance, as I thought the Rivers & Creeks sufficiently
described by my Courses as I came down.
Thursday 12. — I set out for Mohongaly crossed it u|)on a
Raft of Logs from whence I made the best of my Way to Po-
tomack — I did not keep exactly my old Tract but went more
78 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
to the Eastward & found a much nearer Way Home : and am
of Opinion the Company may have a tolerable good Road from
Wills Creek to the upper Fork of Monhongaly, from whence
the River is navigable all the Way to the Ohio for large flat
bottomed Boats — The Road will be a little to the Southward
of West, and the Distance to the Fork of Mohongaly about
70 M — While I was at Mohongaly in my Return Home an
Indian, who spoke good English, rame to Me & said — That
their great Men the Beaver and Captain Oppamylucah (these
are two Chiefs of the Delawares) desired to know where the
Indian's Land lay, for that the French claimed all the Land
on one side the River Ohio & the English on the other Side;
and that Oppamylucah asked Me the same Question when I
was at his Camp in my Way down, to which I had made him no
Answer — I very well remembered that Oppamylucah had
asked me such a Question, and that I was at a Loss to answer
Him as I now also was : But after some Consideration " my
Friend " said I, " We are all one King's People and the different
" Colour of our Skins makes no Difference in the King's
" Subjects ; You are his People as well as We, if you will
" take Land & pay the King's Rights You will have the same
" Privileges as the White People have, and to hunt You have
" Liberty every where so that You dont kill the White Peoples
" Cattle & Hogs — To this the Indian said, that I must stay at
that Place two Days and then he woud come & see Me again.
He then went away, and at the two Days End returned as he
promised, and looking very pleasant said He woud stay with
Me all Night, after He had been with Me some Time He
said that the great Men bid Him tell Me I was very safe that
I might come and live upon that River where I pleased— that
I had answered Them very true for We were all one King's
People sure enough & for his Part he woud come to see Me
at Wills's Creek in a Month.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 70
March — From Thursday 12 to Saturday 28. — We were
traveling from Mohongaly to Potomack for as We had a good
many Skins to carry & the Weather was bad We traveled but
slow
Sunday 29. — We arrived at the Company's Factory at
Wills's Creek.
Christopher Gist.
This Day came before Me Christopher Gist & made Oath on
the holy Evangelists that the two Journals hereunto annexed,
both which are signed by the said Christopher Gist ; the first
containing an Account of his Travels and Discoveries down
the River Ohio & the Branches thereof, for the Ohio Company
in the Years 1750 & 1751 together with his Transactions
with the Indians and his Return Home. And the other con-
taining an Account of his Travels and Discoveries down the
said River Ohio on the SE Side as low as the Big Conhaway
made for the s' Ohio Company in the Years 175 1 & 1752 &
his return to Wills's Creek on Potomack River (as in a Piatt
made thereof by the said Christopher Gist and given in to the
said Ohio Company may more fully appear) are just & true
except as to the Number of Miles, which the said Christopher
Gist did not actually measure and therefore cannot be certain
of Them, but computed Them in the most exact Manner he
coud & according to the best of his Knowledge. Given
under my Hand this Day of 175
80 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
1753-
Wednesday 14 November, 1753. — Then Major George
Washington came to my house at Will's Creek, and delivered
me a letter from the council in Virginia, requesting me to
attend him up to the commandant of the French fort on the
Ohio River.
Thursday 15. — We set out, and at night encamped at
George's Creek, about eight miles, where a messenger came
with letters from my son, who was just returned from his peo-
ple at the Cherokees, and lay sick at the mouth of Conego-
cheague. But as I found myself entered again on public busi-
ness, and Major Washington and all the company unwilling I
should return I wrote and sent medicines to my son, and so
continued my journey, and encamped at a big hill in the forks
of Youghiogany, about eighteen miles.
Friday 16. — The next day set out and got to the big fork of
said river, about ten miles there.
Saturday 17. — We encamped and rested our horses, and
then we set out early in the morning.
Sunday 18. — And at night got to my house in the new set-
tlement, about twenty-one miles ; snow about ancle deep.
Monday 19. — Set out, cross Big Youghiogany, to Jacob's
cabins, about twenty miles. Here some of our horses strag-
gled away, and we did not get away until eleven o'clock.
Tuesday 20. — Set out, had rain in the afternoon ; I killed a
deer ; travelled about seven miles.
Wednesday 21. — It continued to rain. Stayed all day.
Thursday 22. — We set out and came to the mouth of Tur-
tle Creek, about twelve miles, to John Frazier's ; and he was
very kind to us, and lent us a canoe to carry our baggage to
the forks, about ten miles.
Friday 23. — Set out, rid to Shannopin's town, and down
ft?;
1-5
■^
m
CO
m
z
z
(/)
<
r-
>
>
>
z
o
<
z
>
•«4
I
COMMITTEE OP THE OHIO COMPANY. 8l
Allegheny to the mouth of Monongahela, where we met our
baggage, and swimmed our horses over Allegheny, and there
encamped that night.
Saturday 24. — Set out ; we went to king Shingiss, and he
and Lawmolach went with us to the Logstown, and we spoke
to the chiefs this evening, and repaired to our camp.
Sunday 25. — They sent out for their people to come in.
The Half-King came in this afternoon.
Monday 26. — We delivered our message to the Half-King
and they promised by him that we should set out three nights
after.
Tuesday 27. — Stayed in our camp. Monacatoocha and
Pollatha Wappia gave us some provisions. We stayed until
the 29th when the Indians said, they were not ready. They
desired us to stay until the next day and as the warriors
were not come, the Half-King said he would go with us
himself, and take care of us.
Friday 30. — We set out, and the Half-King and two old
men and one young warrior, with us. At night we encamped
at the Murthering town, about fifteen miles, on a branch of
Great Beaver Creek. Got some corn and dried meat.
Saturday i December. — Set out, and at night encamped at
the crossing of Beaver creek from the Kaskuskies to
Venango about thirty miles. The next day rain ; our Indians
went out a hunting ; they killed two bucks. Had rain all
day.
Monday 3. — We set out and travelled all day. Encamped
at night on one of the head branches of Great Beaver creek
about twenty-two miles.
Tuesday 5. — Set out about fifteen miles, to the town of
Venango, where we were kindly and complaisantly received
by Monsieur Joncaire, the French interpreter for the Six
Nations.
82 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Wednesday 5. — Rain all day. Our Indians were in council
with the Delawares, who lived under the French colors, and
ordered them to deliver up to the French the belt, with the
marks of the four towns, according to desire of King Shingiss.
But the chief of these Delawares said, " It was true King
Shingiss was a great man, but he had sent no speech, and,"
said he, " I cannot pretend to make a speech for a King."
So our Indians could not prevail with them to deliver their
belt ; but the Half-King did deliver his belt, as he had deter-
mined. Joncaire did every thing he could to prevail on our
Indians to stay behind us, and I took all care to have them
along with us.
Thursday 6. — We set out late in the day accompanied by
the French General and four servants or soldiers, and
Friday 7. — All encamped at Sugar creek, five miles from
Venango. The creek being very high we were obliged to
carry all our baggage over on trees, and swim our horses
The Major and I went first over, with our boots on.
Saturday 9. — We set out and travelled twenty-five miles
to Cussewago, an old Indian town.
Sunday 9. — We set out, left one of our horses here that
could travel no further. This day we travelled to the big
crossing, about fifteen miles, and encamped, our Indians went
out to look out logs to make a raft ; but as the water was high,
and there were other creeks to cross, we concluded to keep up
this side the creek.
Monday 10. — Set out, travelled about eight miles, and
encamped. Our Indians killed a bear. Here we had a creek
to cross, very deep ; we got over on a tree, and got our goods
over.
Tuesday 1 1. — We set out, travelled about fifteen miles to
the French fort, the sun being set. Our interpreter gave the
commandant notice of our being over the creek ; upon which
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 83
he sent several officers to conduct us to the fort, and they
received us with a great deal of complaisance.
Wednesday 12. — The Major gave the passport, showed his
commission, and offered the Governor's letter to the com-
mandant ; but he desired not to receive them, until the other
commander from Lake Erie came, whom he had sent for, and
expected next day by twelve o'clock.
Thursday 13. — The other General came. The Major deliv-
ered the letter, and desired a speedy answer ; the time of
year and business required it. They took our Indians into
private council, and gave them several presents.
Friday 14. — When we had done our business, they delayed
and kept our Indians, until Sunday ; and then we set out
with two canoes, one for our Indians, and the other for our-
selves. Our horses we had sent away some days before, to
wait at Venango, if ice appeared on the rivers and creeks.
Sunday 16. — We set out by water about sixteen miles, and
encamped. Our Indians went before us, passed the little
lake, and we did not come up with them that night.
Monday 17. — We set out, came to our Indians' camp.
They were out hunting ; they killed three bears. We stayed
this day, and
Tuesday 18. — One of our Indians did not come to camp.
So we finding the waters lower very fast, were obliged to go
and leave our Indians.
Wednesday 19. — We set out about seven or eight miles,
and encamped, and the next day
Thursday 20. — About twenty miles, where we were stop-
ped by ice, and worked until night.
Friday 21. — The ice was so hard we could not break our
way through, but were obliged to haul our vessels across a
point of land and put them in the creek again. The Indians
and three French canoes overtook us here, and the people of
84 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
one French canoe that was lost, with her cargo of powder
and lead. This night we encamped about twenty miles above
Venango.
Saturday 22. — Set out. The creek began to be very low
and we were forced to get out, to keep our canoe from over-
setting, several times ; the water freezing to our clothes ^
and we had the pleasure of seeing the French overset, and the
brandy and wine floating in the creek, and run by them, and
left them to shift for themselves. Came to Venango, and
met with our people and horses.
Sunday 23. — We set out from Venango, travelled about
five miles to Lacomick creek.
Monday 24. — Here Major Washington set out on foot in
Indian dress. Our horses grew weak, that we were mostly
obliged to travel on foot, and had snow all day. Encamped
near the barrens.
Tuesday 25. — Set out and travelled on foot to branches of
Great Beaver creek.
Wednesday 26.— The Major desired me to set out on foot,
and leave our company, as the creeks were frozen, and our
horses could make but little way. Indeed, I was unwilling
he should undertake such a travel, who had never been used
to walking before this time. But as he insisted on it, I set out
with our packs, like Indians, and travelled eighteen miles.
That night we lodged at an Indian cabin, and the Major was
much fatigued. It was very cold ; all the small runs were
frozen, that we could hardly get water to drink.
Thursday 27. — We rose early in the morning, and set out
about two o'clock. Got to the Murthering town, on the
southeast fork of Beaver creek. Here we met with an Indian,
whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at Venango, when
on our journey up to the French fort. This fellow called me
by my Indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. He
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANY. 8$
asked us several questions, as how we came to travel on foot,
when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and
when they would be there, etc. Major Washington insisted
on travelling on the nearest way to forks of Alleghany. We
asked the Indian if he could go with us, and show us the
nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad and ready to go
with us. Upon which we set out, and the Indian took the
Major's pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles,
when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and
the Indian steered too much north-eastwardly. The Major
desired to encamp, to which the Indian asked to carry his
gun. But he refused that, and then the Indian grew churlish,
and pressed us to keep on, telling us that there were Ottawa
Indians in these woods, and they would scalp us if we lay out ;
but to go to his cabin, and we should be safe. I thought
very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know
I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I.
He said he could hear a gun to his cabin, and steered us more
northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops
might be heard to his cabin. We went two miles further ;
then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we
desired the Indian to stop at the next water. But before we
came to water, we came to a clear meadow ; it was very light,
and snow on the ground. The Indian made a stop, turned
about ; the Major saw him point his gun toward us and fire.
Said the Major, " Are you shot? " " No," said I. Upon
which the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak,
and to loading his gun ; but we were soon with him. I would
have killed him ; but the Major would not suffer me to kill
him. We let him charge his gun ; we found he put in a ball ;
then we took care of him. The Major or I always stood by
the guns; we made him make a fire for us by a little run, as
if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, " As you
OO CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we
must travel all night." Upon which I said to the Indian, " I
suppose you were lost, and fired your gun." He said, he
knew the way to his cabin, and 'twas but a little way. "Well,"
said I, " do you go home ; and as we are much tired, we will
follow your track in the morning ; and here is a cake of
bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning."
He was glad to get away. I followed him, and listened until
he was fairly out of the way, and then we set out about half a
mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, and fixed our
course, and travelled all night, and in the morning we were on
the head of Piney creek.
Friday 28. — We travelled all the next day down the said
creek, and just at night found some tracks where Indians had
been hunting. We parted, and appointed a place a distance
off, where to meet, it being then dark. We encamped, and
thought ourselves safe enough to sleep.
Saturday 29. — We set out early, got to Alleghany, made a
raft, and with much difficulty got over to an island, alittle above
Shannopin's town. The Major having fallen in from off the
raft, and my fingers frost-bitten, and the sun down, and very
cold, we contented ourselves to encamp upon that island. It
was deep water between us and the shore ; but the cold did
us some service, for in the morning it was frozen hard enough
for us to pass over on the ice.
Sunday 30. — We set out about ten miles to John Frazier's,
at Turtle creek, and rested that evening.
Monday 31. — Next day we waited on queen Aliquippa, who
lives now at the mouth of Youghiogany. She said she would
never go down to the river Alleghany to live, except the Eng-
lish built a fort, and then she would go and live there.
Tuesday January i, 1754. — We set out from John Frazier's
and at night encamped at Jacob's cabins.
COMMITTEE OF THE OHIO COMPANV. 87
Wednesday 2. — Set out and crossed Youghiogany on the
ice. Got to my house in the new settlement.
Thursday 3. — Rain.
Friday 4. — Set out for Will's creek, where we arrived on
Sunday January 6.
^v.
CHRISTOPHER GIST.
Christopher Gist was of English descent. His grand-
father was Christopher Gist, who died in Baltimore County
in 1691. His grandmother was Edith Cromwell. They had
one child, Richard, who was Surveyor of the Western Shore
and was one of the Commissioners for laying off the town of
Baltimore. In 1705 he married Zipporah Murray, and Chris-
topher was one of three sons. He was a resident of North
Carolina when first employed by the Ohio Company. He
married Sarah Howard. He had three sons, Nathaniel,
Richard and Thomas, and two daughters, Anne and Violette.
Nathaniel was the only son that married. With his sons,
Nathaniel and Thomas, he was with Braddock on his fatal
field of battle. Urged by bribes and the promise of rewards,
two Indians were persuaded to go out on a scouting expedi-
tion. As soon as they were gone, Christopher Gist, the
General's guide, was dispatched on the same errand. On the
6th both Indians and Gist rejoined the army, having been
within half a mile of the fort. Their reports were favorable
and the army advanced. After Braddock's defeat he raised a
company of scouts in Virginia and Maryland and did service
on the frontier, being then called Captain Gist.
In 1756 he went to the Carolinas to enlist Cherokee
Indians for the English service. For a time he served as
Indian Agent. He died in the summer of 1759, of smallpox,
in South Carolina or Georgia. Richard Gist was killed in the
battle of King's Mountain. Thomas lived on the plantation.
(88)
CHRISTOPHER GIST. 89
Anne lived with him until his death, when she joined her
brother Nathaniel in Kentucky. Nathaniel was a Colonel
in the Virginia Line, during the Revolutionary War, and
afterwards removed to Kentucky, where he died early in the
present century. He left two sons, Henry Clay and Thomas
Cecil. His eldest daughter, Sarah, married the Hon. Jesse
Bledsoe, United States Senator from Kentucky. His grand-
son, B. Gratz Brown, was the Democratic candidate for Vice-
President in 1872. The second daughter of Colonel Gist mar-
ried Colonel Nathaniel Hart, a brother of Mrs. Henry Clay.
The third daughter married Dr. Boswell, of Lexington, Ken-
tucky. The fourth married Francis P. Blair, and they were
the parents of Montgomery Blair and Francis P. Blair. The
fifth married Benjamin Gratz, of Lexington, Kentucky.
FIRST JOURNEY.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF 1750-1.
October 31, 1750. — Colonel Cresap was an Agent and
member of the Ohio Company, see Biographical Sketch in
the Appendix. "Old Town." So called for a town or
village of the Shawanese Indians, who abandoned the
upper Potomac region in the years 1727-9, and removed to
the Ohio and Allegheny rivers. It is in Old Town, District
of Allegheny County, Maryland, fifteen miles southeast of
Cumberland, on the north side of the Potomac, and opposite
to Green Spring Station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway.
November 3. — Gist's route from Old Town lay by the
Warrior's Path, along the base of the Great Warrior Moun-
tain, on the eastern side, passing through the present district
of Flintstone, Allegheny County, Maryland, and the town-
ships of Southhampton, Monroe and Providence, in Bedford
County, Pennsylvania, reaching the Juniata at the Warrior's
Gap, near the village of Bloody Run, eight miles east of the
present town of Bedford ; there he entered the old Indian
path leading westward. From the Juniata, where Bedford
now stands, two paths led to the Ohio (Allegheny) ; the upper
directly north to Frankstown, thence northwest to Venango
(now Franklin) ; the lower path led west to Shannopin's Town
(now Pittsburgh) ; the latter was the route taken by Gist.'
' Hutchins' Map, 1778; Scull's ditto, 1770. " Traders' Table of Distances
to the Ohio ;" " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 750. "Ac-
count of the Road to Logstown," by John Harries, in 1754, " Pennsylva-
nia Archives," Vol. II, p. 135.
(90)
LEWIS
MAP, 1775
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF I75O-SI. 9I
November 5-9. — In Shade Township, Somerset County,
Stony Creek,' a branch of the Conemaugh River ; the path
crossed it near the present Stoyestown, in Somerset County.
November 11. — The North and East Forks of the Quema-
honing, a branch of Stony Creek ; these streams here flowing
northeastward, misled Gist into supposing they emptied into
the Susquehannah ; they are so erroneously laid down from
his notes on Fry and Jefferson's map of 175 1. Que-Mahoning
from Curoa (pine trees,) and Mahonink (a stream,) on which
there is a Salt lick.^
November 12. — The ridge of the Alleghenies known as
Laurel Hill.
November 14. — This old Indian town stood on the wide and
fertile bottom land on the north side of the Loyalhanna
Creek, a large branch of the Kiskiminitas River. The present
town of Ligonier, in Westmoreland County, occupies the
same spot, fifty-one miles east of Pittsburgh, marked " Loyal
Hannin Old Town — fifty miles to Shannopin's Town," on a
map presented to the Governor and Council of Pennsylvania,
by John Pattin (Indian Trader), and Andrew Montour (a Six
Nation Chief and Interpreter), March 2, 1754.' Laurel-hanne,
signifying the middle stream in the Delaware tongue.* The
stream here is half way between the Juniata at Bedford and
the Ohio at the Forks.
November 16. — The path here left the Loyalhanna and by
a northwest course passed through the Chestnut Ridge, at
1 In the Delaware tongue "Ach'sin-hanac " or " Stony Stream."
' Delaware.
* "Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 747, 750.
• Heckwelder in " Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society for
1872," p. 28. McCuIlough, "Narrative and Incidents of Border Life,"
Lancaster, 1841, p. 81. See also "Trumbull on Indian Geographical
Names," Vol. II, p. 12. " Collection of the Connecticut Historical Society."
92 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
the Miller's Run Gap, and reached the creek again, at the
Big Bottom, below the present town of Latrobe, on the Penn-
sylvania Central Railway ; there the trail forked, one branch
led northwest down the creek to the Kiskiminitas River, at
Blacklegs Indian town, by the mouth of the creek of the same
name ; thence it continued down to the Kiskiminitas Old
Town, at Old Town Run, about seven miles from the Al-
legheny River. The other branch, or main trail (travelled by
Gist), led directly westward to Shannopin's Town, by a
course parallel with and a few miles north of the Pennsylva-
nia Railroad. The courses stated by Gist for the i6th and
17th November are manifestly wrong; the distances are
given much more correctly.'
November 17. — This camp was Cockey's Cabin, its owner a
Delaware Indian, well known by the traders. It was on
Bushy Run, a branch of Turtle Creek, near the place of the
two days' battle between the army under Colonel Bouquet
and the Indians, led by Guyasuta (Kiashuta), August sth and
6th, 1763, about three miles north of Penn Station, on the
Pennsylvania Railroad, and twenty-three miles east of Pitts-
burgh.' Shannopin's Town, on the bank of the Allegheny
River, now in the city of Pittsburgh, between Penn Avenue,
Thirtieth Street and the Two Mile Run, in the Twelfth
Ward. It was small, containing about twenty wigwams,
fifty or sixty natives and twenty warriors.' It was much
frequented by the traders. By it ran the main Indian trail
from the east to the west. In April, 1730, Governor Thomas,
' See " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 750-1. " Pennsylvania Archives,"
Vol. II, p. 135. Scull's Map, 1770. Hutchins', 1778. Evans and Mitchell's,
1755-
•■'"Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 135. "Bouquet's Expedition,
Philadelphia, 1765." "Virginia State Papers, 1875."
3 " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 702 ; id., Vol. VII, p. 561.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. 93
at Philadelphia, received a message from " the Chiefs of ye
Delewares at Allegaeniny, on the main road," taken down
(written) by Edmund Cartledge, and interpreted by James
Le Tort, both noted traders. Among the names signed to
the message is that of " Shannopin his X mark." The mes-
sage of the chiefs was to explain the cause of the death of a
white man, named Hart, and the wounding of another, Robin-
son, down the Ohio, occasioned by rum. The bringing of
such great quantities of liquor into the woods they desired
the Governor to prevent, as well as to limit the number of
traders. Shannopin's name appears signed to several docu-
ments in the State Archives.' He made a speech to Conrad
Weiser, at Logstown, September 15, 1748.'' He was present
at the Conference held at Philadelphia, August i, 1740, be-
tween the Proprietary, Thomas Penn, Governor Thomas, the
Provincial Council, and the Delaware and Mingoe Indians,
from Ohio, Allegheny, Shamokin, etc' Shannopin died
about the year 1749.*
November 21. — The width of the river here is about the
same as stated in the journal, although the banks have been
partly washed away by freshets.
November 24. — "At Shannopin's there is a fording place
in very dry times and the lowest down the river."* In the
first half of the last century the Allegheny River was gener-
' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. I, p. 255 ; do., p. 341.
* " Journal of Weiser," Historical Society of Pennsylvania Collection,
Vol. I, p. 29 ; " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 355.
•'' " Colonial Records," Vol. IV, p. 441.
• " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 5 19. See also " Journals of Assembly,"
1754, pp. 295 and 299. "Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 746, 751, etc. Lon-
don Magazine for June, 1754. Evans and Mitchell's Maps, 1755. Fry
and Jefferson's Maps, 1751.
' " Analysis of Map of the Middle Colonies," by Lewis Evans, 1775, p. 25.
94 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
ally called the Ohio, of which it is the head branch. "The
Ohio" by the Senecas. Allegheny is the name of the same
river in the Delaware language. Both words signify " the fine
or fair river." Post was a Moravian missionary amongst the
Ohio Indians for many years.* He was twice married among
them and thoroughly understood various Indian dialects.
He was often employed on Indian affairs by the colonial
authorities. On the map prefixed to "Washington's Journal
of 1753-4, London, 1754," reprinted by Joseph Sabin, New
York, 1865, the Allegheny is marked " The Ohio or Allegheny
River," and the main stream " The Ohio or the Fair River."'' In
the language of the different tribes of the Iroquois, or Six Na-
tions, there are some variations of the word Ohio, none of its
meaning. In the Seneca, Cayuga and Mohawk dialects it is
0-heeyo; in the Onondago and Tuscarora 0-hee-yee; in the
Oneida 0-hee, the same as Allegheny — "fair or beautiful" —
which the French rendered " La Belle Riviere."' The early tra-
ders in Kentucky and on the Ohio called it Allegheny, or Ohio,
as they happened to trade most with the Iroquois or Delawares.
On the map of Cornelli, " North America with the New Dis-
coveries of the Year 1688," published at Venice in 1690, the
main part of the Ohio is laid down and inscribed " R Ohio or
la Belle Riviere, said by the savages to have its source near
the Lake Frontenac " (Ontario). In the " Proces Verbal "
(Declaration) of the taking possession of Louisiana, at the
mouth of the Mississippi, by the Sieur de la Salle, April 9,
' Christian F. Post in liis Second Journal, 1758, London, 1759, p. 17, re-
printed in Appendix to Proud's " History of Pennsylvania," 1798, Vol. II ;
also in Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. I.
2 See also " Weiser's Journal, 1748." " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 349.
" Collection Pennsylvania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 23.
■' " Morgan's League of the Iroquois," p. 394. "Collection of the Con-
necticut Historical Society, Vol. II, p. 13."
MISHIMAKINAC
Thj,
OUTA-GAMIS
OR
Mew Madrid <V
LEWIS EVANS' MAP, 1755-1775.
K.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISt's JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. 95
1682, the names " Ohio " and " Alighin " are both evidently
given to the same stream." After crossing the river from
Shannopins, Gist's route was by the old path which ran by
the line occupied now by East and West Ohio Streets, in
Allegheny City, to Beaver Avenue, thence along it and
down the river bank to Sewickley, twelve miles below Pitts-
burgh.
November 25. — Logstown. This once noted Indian and
French town stood on the first and second bank on the north
side of the Ohio River, immediately below the present town
of Economy, eighteen miles from Pittsburgh, in Beaver
County, Pennsylvania ; the well-known German settlement,
of which George Rapp was the head, established there in
1824. Logstown Run, a small stream, and the bar in the
river perpetuate the name and locality. The town was first
described by Conrad Weiser in the Journal of his visit to it
in August, 1748.' William Franklin (son of Benjamin),
afterwards the Royal Governor of New Jersey, was one of
Weiser's company." The Shawanese established themselves
here, probably soon after their migration from the Upper
Potomac country and Eastern Pennsylvania, in 1727-30. In
the summer of 1749 Captain Bienville de Celeron, in com-
mand of a detachment composed of eight subaltern oflScers,
six cadets, an armorer, twenty soldiers, one hundred and
' This document, preserved in the French Archives at Paris, is printed
in Sparks' " Life of La Salle," Appendix, p. 194. " American Biographies,
New Series, 1864, Vol. I ; also in " Monette's Valley of the Mississippi,"
Vol. I, p 144. "Historical. Collection of Louisiana," by B. F. French, 1846,
p. 49, Vol. L
'' " Collection of the Pennsylvania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 23,
etc. " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 348, etc.
'"Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, pp. 10-15. Evans' "Analysis of
Map of the Middle Colonies, 1755," p. 10.
96 CHRISTOPHER GISx's JOURNALS.
eighty Canadians, thirty Iroquois and twenty-five Abanakis,
descended the Allegheny and Ohio rivers, from Canada, for
the purpose of taking military possession of the country.'
Their route from Lake Erie to the Allegheny was by the old
Portage to the head of Chautauqua Lake ; thence down the
lake to the outlet, through to the Chenango Creek, and by it
to the Allegheny. In evidence of the French king's claim,
leaden plates, with suitable inscriptions, were deposited at
various points along the rivers. A number of them were
found in after years. ^ The French arrived at Logstown on
the 9th or loth of August, encamped and remained about two
days.
Contrecceur, to whom Ensign Ward surrendered the little
fort at the Forks of the Ohio, April 17, 1754, where Pitts-
burgh now stands, and who named it Du Ouesne, was one of
Celeron's officers. Coulon de Valliers, to whom Washing-
ton capitulated at Fort Necessity, in June of the same year,
was another. He was a brother of Jumonville, killed in a
previous contest with Washington's troops. George Crog-
han arrived at Logstown just after the French departed.' He
had a Trading House there, in which Weiser lodged during
his visit the previous year.* Washington and Gist remained
here five days while on their way to Venango and Le
Boeuf, in 1753.^ Washington was again here in 1770 on
his way to the Kanawha.^ In June, 1752, a treaty was
' See " Fort Pitt."
^ See fac-simile of one in Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. II; of another
in "New York Colonial History," Vol. VI, p. 611, also in Hildreth's
"Pioneer History " and De Hass' " Indian Wars of Western Virginia,"
1851. " Magazine of American History," March, 1878.
3" New York Colonial History," Vol. VI, p. 531 ; do., Vol. VII, p. 267.
* "Weiser's Journal."
' Journals of Washington and Gist, 1754.
^ Journals in Sparks' " Life of Washington," Vol. 2, Appendix ; also in
Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. I.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. 97
made here between the Indians and the Commissioners
of Virginia, Fry, Lomax and Patton. Gist was present,
George Croghan also. Arthur Lee, in his " Journal of
1784," mentions Logstown as " formerly a settlement on both
sides of the Ohio."' A settlement on the south side of the
river is called Indian Logstown in " Western Navigation,"
edition of 1814, p. 76.^ George Croghan, in his Journal of
1765, describes Logstown as "an old Settlement of the
Shawanese, situated on a high bank on the north side of the
Ohio River, a fine fertile country around it." An error in
printing " south " for " north " has occasioned some contro-
versy. His description better applies to the north side, and
is so written in the manuscript.' The tract on the south side
appears to have been surveyed for Alexander M'Kee in 1769,*
and was advertised for public sale by the agents of the State
"at Pittsburgh, on the 12th day of October next." Three
hundred acres of land, on the south side of the Ohio, located
by Alexander McKee, including his house and improve-
ments opposite Logstown and confiscated as the property of
the said Alexander McKee.' Tanacharison, the Half King,
with Monakatoocha and a number of that tribe (Six Nations)
lived at Logstown in 1753-4."
On December 2, 1758, soon after the capture of Fort Du
Quesne, the Moravian Missionary, Christian Frederick Post,
arrived there and found it deserted by its late inhabitants.
" In this town," he states, " there is forty houses, all built
'"Life of Lee," Vol. II, p. 384.
'' See also Cumming's "Western Tour," Pittsburgh, 1816, p. 80.
' Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. I, p. 403. Butler's " History of Ken-
tucky," second edition. Appendix, p. 459.
* " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. IV, p. 346.
' Pennsylvania Gazette, Septembers, 1784.
" " Washington's Journal, 1754."
98 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
for them by the French and lived in by about one hundred
and twenty warriors."' In Post's original Journal, London,
1759, p. 57, reprinted in Proud's "History of Pennsylvania,"
Vol. II, Appendix, and in Craig's " Olden Time," Vol. I, he
relates, December 2, 1758 : " I with my Companion Kekus-
cund's son came to Logstown situated on a high hill. On the
East End is a great Piece of low land where the old Logs-
town used to stand. In the new Logstown the French have
built about thirty Houses for the Indians. They have a large
Corn Field on the South Side where the Corn stands un-
gathered." (Extract from the "Deposition" of Major Edward
Ward, taken at Pittsburgh, March 10, 1777, before the Com-
missioners of Virginia, Wood and Simms.) In the year 1752,
and before his surrender to the French, " that about one-third
of the Shawanese Inhabited Logstown on the West side of
the Ohio and tended Corn on the East side of the river — and
the other part of the nation lived on the Scioto river."^ The
reader will observe on the Map that the Ohio River here
makes a bend and runs in its course nearly due north. The
traders' stores, here and elsewhere in the Ohio Valley, were
sacked and plundered by the Indians on the outbreak of Pon-
tiac's War, in 1763. Some of the traders were killed.'' In
the original manuscript account and affidavit of losses suf-
fered by George Croghan and Company, in 1753, appears the
item : " One Store House at the Logstown Twelve miles
from Fort Du Quesne on the north west side of Ohio ;£iSO."
After the capture of Fort Du Ouesne and erection of Fort
Pitt, in 1758, Logstown dwindled to insignificance, although
some traffic was carried on there with the Indians. General
' Journal in " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. Ill, p. 560.
^ " Virginia State Papers Calendar," p. 278.
" " Colonial History of New York," Vol. VII, p. 724. " Plain Facts,"
p. 59. Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac," Vol. II, pp. 6, 10.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF 1 750-5 1. 99
John Gibson had a small trading establishment there in 1777.'
From the beginning of the war of the Revolution it had
neither trade nor inhabitants ; Fort Pitt absorbed both.
The site of the town and the surrounding scenery is very
picturesque. In the account of Colonel Bouquet's Expedi-
tion against the Ohio Indians, in 1764, occurs this passage :
" Friday, October 5. — In this day's march, the Army passed
through Loggstown, situated seventeen miles and an half, fifty
seven perches by the path from Fort Pitt. This place was
noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there
by the English and French, but its inhabitants abandoned it
in the year 1758. The lower town extended about sixty
perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low, steep ridge,
on the summit of which, near the declivity, stood the upper
town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower
and quite across the Ohio, which is quite five hundred yards
wide here, and by its majestic, easy current adds much to the
beauty of the place."''
Remains of many of the houses are noted in the draught
of the survey executed for the State of Pennsylvania.' Por-
tions of some of the most substantial buildings were visible
in the early part of the present century. For the location of
Logstown see Evans' Map of 1755. Fry and Jefferson's ditto,
175 1. Hutchins' Map in "Bouquet." Large Map of ditto,
1778. Map of the Ohio River, by General Victor Collot, 1796.
A town named Montmorin was laid out on a large scale on
the site of Logstown in 1788. It only existed on paper. Adver-
'" McDonald's Sketches," p. 202. Arnold's "Campaign Against
Quebec," Munsell's e'dition, 1877, p. 6.
'' " Historical Account of Bouquet's Expedition," Philadelphia, 1765, p.
10. Robert Clarke Co's. Reprint, Cincinnati, 1869, p. 45.
' Land Office Records. Tracts numbers 18 and 19 in Leet's " District
of Depreciation Lands." Howell's Map of Pennsylvania, 1792.
ICXJ CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
tisement in the Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 3,005, March 12,
1788.
On the plain, a short distance below, the army under Gen-
eral Wayne, known as the " Legion of the United States,"
encamped from November, 1792, to the 30th of April, 1793.
The place was called Legionville.
. November 26. — Where the town of Rochester now stands,
on the east side of the Beaver, at its junction with the Ohio.
Barny Curran was an old Indian trader. He was employed
by Washington on his mission to Venango, in 1753.^ Great
Beaver Creek, named for King Beaver ; in the Delaware
tongue Amahkhanne or Beaver Stream.
November 27. — Gist crossed the Beaver to the west side,
where, on the bottom land, now occupied by the town of
Bridgewater, stood the small, but long noted, Indian town,
Sarikonk or Soh-kon, a Delaware word signifying "at the
mouth of a stream " (outlet).
On the elevated table-land adjoining the bottom, and at the
west end of the present county town of Beaver, another
Indian village was built by the French, in 1756. Both are
thus described in the " Historical Account of Bouquet's
Expedition," original edition, 1765, p. 10 : "About a mile
below its (Beaver Creek) confluence with the Ohio stood
formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French,
of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawa-
nese, Delawares and Mingo Tribes, who abandoned it in the
year 1758, when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne. Near
the fording of Beaver Creek stood about seven houses, which
were deserted and destroyed by the Indians after their defeat
at Bushy Run," August 6, 1763, "when they forsook all their
remaining settlements in this part of the country."
' Journal, 1754, p. 2, " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 440. " History of
Western Pennsylvania," 1846, p. 40.
\
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNAL OF 175O-51. lOI
King Beaver and Shingiss, his brother and successor, and
noted warrior and war chief of the Delawares, resided here
until the Spring of 1759, after the erection of Fort Pitt, when
they removed to Kuskusky.' They afterwards removed to
Muskingum. "Shingis Old Town " is mentioned in the deed
from the Six Nations to the State of Pennsylvania, executed
at Fort Stanwix, October 23, 1784, and now in the State
Archives ; also printed in the Minutes of the General Assem-
bly for 1784-5, p. 320.
The Act of Assembly of September 28, 1791, authorized
the Governor to have surveyed, at the mouth of Beaver Creek,
" two hundred acres of land in town lots, at or near the
ground where the old French town stood," now the Borough
of Beaver.
Fort Mcintosh was built here in 1778, by the troops under
General Lachlan Mcintosh. These Indian towns, Soh-kon
and Shingoes, were prominent places of rendezvous for war-
riors, and the scene of much cruelty and bloodshed during
the Indian and French wars. The Indian trail from Shan-
nopins here divided, the lower (taken by Gist) led to Tusca-
rawas, the upper, along the west bank of the Beaver to Kus-
kuskis town, on the Mahoning, six miles above the forks of
Beaver, where Edenburgh, Lawrence County, now stands.
Old Kuskuskis stood on the Shenango, between the Forks
and the mouth of the Neshannock (where New Castle now
stands), on the wide bottom on the west side. Kuskuskis
was divided into four towns, some distance apart. ^ Portions
' Letter of Colonel Hugh Mercer to R. Peters, " Colonial Records,"
Vol. VIII, p. 305 ; id., pp. 307, 309, 313. " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol.
Ill, p. 634.
""Christian Fred. Post's Journal," September, 1758. Hugh Gibson's
" Narrative," Massachusetts Historical Collection, Vol. VI, Third Series,
p. 144. General Wm. Irvine's Letters in " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol.
XI, p. 518, etc. " Western Annals," p. 358.
102 CHRISTOPHER GlSX's JOURNALS.
of the path along the west bank of the Beaver and Mahoning,
worn deep into the soil, were plainly visible and often seen
by the writer about thirty years since, and some he is credibly
informed yet remain.
Christian Fred. Post, Moravian Missionary, sent by the
Governor of Pennsylvania and General Forbes to prevail on
the Indians of the Upper Ohio to withdraw from the French
interest, was at Soh-kon, in August, 1758, and again in the
following month of November. At first roughly received, he
was finally successful. (See his first and second Journals,
published in 1759; reprinted in Proud's "History of Penn-
sylvania," 1798, Appendix to Vol. II. Also, in Craig's "Olden
Time," Vol. I, and (but not so full) in "Pennsylvania Ar-
chives," Vol. Ill, pp. 520, 560, 563.)
Post states : " At Beaver Creek there is thirty-eight houses,
all built by the French for the Indians ; some with stone
chimneys. When all their men are at home they can send
out one hundred warriors." Hugh Gibson was a prisoner at
Soh-kon in 1757. Narrative before referred to. (See also
Hutchins' Map, 1778. Map in "Bouquet." Evans' Map, 1755.
Howell's Map, 1792. Heckwelder in " Bulletin of Pennsyl-
vania Historical Society," Vol. I, p. 129.)
November 27. — From Shingis town the trail left the river,
taking a northwest course, passing near the present village of
West Salem, Pennsylvania, to a point a little southeast from
New Lisbon, Columbiana County, Ohio, on nearly the same
line as the present road from Beaver to New Lisbon.'
Captain Hutchins was the chief-engineer in the army of
Bouquet, and has laid down the line of each day's march and
1 See Howells' and Hutchins' Maps, especially the beautiful map of
Hutchins in the original, a Philadelphia edition of " Bouquet's Expedition
Against the Ohio Indians, in 1764."
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. IO3
encampment minutely. The route of the army was by the
old Indian trail travelled by Gist.
November 30. — To the northwest corner of the present
Wayne township, Columbiana County, Ohio, after crossing
the west or " last branch " of the Little Beaver Creek, having
crossed the middle and east branches the preceding day.
Little Beaver Creek, or Tank-amahk-hanne, in the Delaware
tongue.
December i, 1750. — To a point near Hanover, on the Pitts-
burgh and Cleveland Railway, in Columbiana County.
December 2. — A little south of Bayard, in the same county.
December 4, 5. — Near Oneida, in Carroll County, now
known as Big Sandy Creek, a branch of the Tuscarawas. The
Indians applied one name, " Elk's Eye," to the three streams;
in modern times known as the Big Sandy, Tuscarawas, and
Muskingum. On Evans' Map of 1755 and Hutchins' of 1778
the Big Sandy is named Lanianshicolas, now the Nimishicolas,
and correctly applied to a branch. " The Delawares say the
elks were so plenty on that river and so tame the Indians
could come so near as to see into their eyes, so they called
the river Mooskingung or Elk's Eye." Zeisberger, the Mora-
vian Missionary, in the " Bulletin of the Pennsylvania His-
torical Society," Vol. I, p. 34 : Elk's Eye, on account of the
number of elks feeding on its banks. Loshiel's " History of
Moravian Missions, 1794," p. 6 : " Mooshingung, that is Elk's
Eye River. Elk in their language being called Moos." ' The
words are mostly Narragansett, " Moos-soog " — the great ox,
or rather a red deer. Muskingum is usually but incorrectly
defined — water clear as an elk's eye.
December 7. — This town of the Ottoways stood near the
'Rev. David Jones' Journal, 1772; original edition, pp. 68, 84.
Sabin's Reprint of ditto, New York, 1865, pp. 90-111, etc.
104 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
junction of the Big Sandy and Tuscarawas, on the west side
of the latter and just above the present town of Bolivar. At
this period but a small number of the Ottawa tribe remained
in Eastern Ohio. By Hutchins' Maps of 1764 and 1778, and
Evans' Map of 1755, they appear to have had a village on the
Cuyahoga River, and " Ottowas Old Fort " is marked on the
head of a branch of the White-woman's Creek, in the north-
ern part of Richland County, from which was a four-mile
portage to the waters of the river Huron. About fifty years
since the Ottawa tribe held large reservations of land on the
waters of the Maumee. In 1760 this village was known as
King Beaver's Town, its occupants being Delawares.
Major Robert Rogers, on his way from Detroit to Fort
Pitt, arrived there on January 13, 1761. He mentions "the
number of warriors in this town is about one hundred and
eighty." '
Bouquet's army, in 1764, made their twelfth encampment
here, after leaving Fort Pitt, from which Captain Hutchins
computed the distarjce to be one hundred and sixteen miles.
They found "Tuscarawas a place exceedingly beautiful in
situation, lands rich, and on the northwest side an entire
level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference," and "from
the number of ruined houses, supposed the Indians who
inhabited the place and are with the Delawares to have had
about one hundred and fifty warriors."'' This is a noted spot
in the early history of Ohio. Christian Fred Post, the Mora-
vian Missionary, established a station on the north side of the
Tuscarawas, in the present Stark County, in the year 1761,
and erected, it is claimed, the first house in Ohio." Fort
' Journal, 1760-1, p. 234.
^ "Journal of Bouquet's Expedition, 1765," p. 13, original edition.
' " Heckwelder's Narrative," p. 61. " Life of Zeisberger," by De
Schweinitz, p. 256. " Beatty's Journal," 1766, p. 40.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. IO5
Laurens, the most western military post erected by the
Americans during the Revolution, stood just below the site
of Tuscarawas town.
The Greenville Treaty Line, of 1795, extended from the
mouth of Cuyahoga " to the crossing place above Fort Lau-
rens, thence westerly to Laramie's store," on a branch of the
Great Miami, in the present Shelby County. It marked the
boundary between the lands of the Indian tribes and those
they ceded to the United States.' The great Indian trails
radiated from this point in various directions.
December 9. — Margaret's Creek. The trail crossed it in
the present Franklin Township, Tuscarawas County, near
Strasburgh. This stream was named for Margaret Montour,
usually called " French Margaret," the daughter of Madame
Montour. This stream was afterwards called Sugar Creek ;
it empties into the Tuscarawas at Dover.
December 10. — A branch of Margaret's Creek.
December 11. — To a point in Buck's Township, Tuscarawas
County.
December 12. — Near the mouth of White Eyes Creek, in
Coshocton County.
December 14. — This was a large and important town of
the Wyandots, on the Tuscarawas, the head branch of the
Muskingum River, within a mile from the "Forks," where
Coshocton now stands. Marked " Old Wyandot Town " on
Hutchins' Map, in Bouquet, 1764 ; Owendot's Town on Dr.
Mitchell's Map of 1755. This town was abandoned by the
Wyandots prior to 1760, probably soon after the capture of
Fort Du Quesne, in 1758. They were there in 1756.' Gist
• " Treaty of Greenville, August 3, 1795." American State Papers, Vol.
V, p. 562. State Maps of Ohio, 1815, 1831 and 1869.
'•' Letter of Colonel John Armstrong to Governor Denny, December 22,
1756. Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. Ill, p. 83.
8
I06 CHKISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
mentions Muskingum as though it was the name of the town.
He should have written "a town of the Wyandots at the
Muskingum," the latter being an Algonquin or Delaware
word. The Indians do not, like the whites, give every town
or village a name, but they are known by the name of the place,
the locality, head chief, etc. "They preferred to describe a man
or a river or town, by some quality or remarkable feature
rather than designate the object by a name.' Thus Chilli-
cothe towns in Ohio — Upper, Lower and Old — simply meant
towns of the Chillicothe tribe of the Shawnese.'' Soh-kon, out-
let (a village) at the outlet. Shannopin, from the head chief,
Kittanning. Kittan, great, ung-on, or at the great river.'
The Wyandots, or Hurons, were ancient occupants of Cen-
tral and Eastern Ohio and Northwestern Pennsylvania, to
which region they retreated from Canada, to escape the fury
of the conquering Iroquois, or Five Nations, in the middle of
the seventeenth century.* The Wyandots are called Tionon-
aties, Petuns or Petuneuae, Tobacco Indians, from their indus-
trious habit of cultivating that plant. Petun (obsolete French
for tobacco derived from the Brazilian) being a nickname
given to them by the French traders.' In the Mohawk dialect
of the Iroquois the name for tobacco is 0-ye-aug-wa. " In the
Huron of La Hontan, Vol. II, p. 103, Oyngowa ; and in Cam-
pinus " History of New Sweden," in the Mingo.
' " Transactions of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio,"
Vol. I, p. 23s.
^ John Johnson, in Butler's " Kentucky," last page, Appendix.
'' See Trumbull on " Indian Geographical Names," Connecticut Histori-
cal Society, Vol. II, p. 43, etc.
*" American Antiquarian Society Transactions," Vol. I, p. 271-2; id.
Vol. II, p. 72. Charlevoix's " History of New France."
' " Historical Magazine," Vol. V, O. S., 1861, p. 263.
" Gallatin's" Synopsis American Aboriginal Archives," Vol. II, p. 484.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISt'S JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. IO7
The flotilla of Celeron, before mentioned as on its way down
the Ohio, arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum on the 15th
of August, 1749, and on the i6th they buried a lead plate in
the western bank of that stream, bearing the inscription
" Riviere Yenangue," and on the map of Father Bonnecamp
— a Jesuit mathematician who accompanied the expedition —
the Muskingum is marked " R. Yanangue konan. " On Bel-
lin's Map, in Charlevoix's original edition, 1744, it is named
Chenangue. The meaning clearly is from the Iroquois ; from
Ynango — tobacco — and Konan people, or river on which the
tobacco people — Wyandots or Petuns — have a town, referring
to the town at which Gist had now arrived.
Colonel John Johnston, for many years United States Agent
for the Ohio Indians, in his valuable "Specimens of the
Wyandot Language," gives the signification of Muskingum
as " a place of residence ; " but again erroneously states it to
mean a town on the river side in the Delaware. " The Shaw-
nese," he adds, " call it Wakitama Sepe, which has the same
signification." *
De Witt Clinton, in a letter to the American Antiquarian
Society, in 1827, erroneously supposed the town, to which allu-
sion is made, to be " the celebrated remains of an ancient town at
Marietta." He is also in error, in the same letter, in the sup-
position that the leaden plate deposited at the mouth of the
Muskingum, found and dug up in 1798, to " have been origi-
nally deposited at the mouth of the Venango (French Creek)
above Pittsburgh." He was misled by the similarity of the
name Yznangue with Venango, as it is now written. The
date on the plate should have undeceived him. However,
Venango was an old village of the Wyandots, or Tobacco In-
dians. Washington, in his Journal of 1753, mentions it as the
' American Antiquarian Society, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298.
I08 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
site of an old Indian town ;' and it is probable that wherever
the name Chenango occurs in early times or on early maps,
it indicates the site of a town of the tobacco tribe — Wyandots
— or of a place where Indian tobacco was cultivated.'
The claim of the Wyandots to Central Ohio was admitted
by the United States, who made them compensation therefor.'
The Wyandots released to Pennsylvania, at the latter
mentioned treaty, their claim to the western portion of that
State. There was a Wyandot town on the Big Beaver, on the
east side, nineteen miles above its mouth. On its site the
Moravians, in 1770, erected their town of Friedenstadt.''
The name of "Little Mingoes," applied by Gist to the
Wyandots, I have not observed elsewhere. The Wyandots,
or Hurons, were of the original Iroquois stock (or Mengine
changed to Mingo).
Croghan's Trading House, here mentioned, was afterwards
(1753) with the goods stored in it, seized by the French. In
the original MS. account of losses suffered by George Crog-
han & Co., occasioned by the French, during his trades in
the Ohio country, appears this item : " One store House at
Muskingum ;£'i50." Croghan's affidavit is attached to it, dated
at Carlisle, April 24, 1756. Four traders were captured —
Joseph Falkner of New York, Luke Erwin of Pennsylvania,
Thomas Burk of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and John Pattin of
'Journal, original edition, p. 17.
2 See "Transactions American Antiquarian Society," Vol. II, p. 535.
Hildreth's" Pioneer History of Ohio," 1848, p. 22. "American Magazine,"
March, 1878, in which is the map of Celeron's Route, by O. H. Marshal, of
Buffalo.
^ Declaration annexed to the Treaty at Fort Harmar, in 1789. " American
State Papers, Indian Affairs," Vol. I, p. 7. Treaty of September 29, 1817,
Vol. II; do.. Treaty at Fort Mcintosh, etc.
* Lochiel's " History of Missions. " De Schweinitz's " Life of Zeis-
berger."
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. lOQ
Chester County, Pennsylvania. The first two were in the
employ of George Croghan & Co. Pattin was seized at Fort
Miami. Erwin, Burke, and Falkner, were captured at a place
called " Argentout " (Wyandot), near the little Lake Otsan-
derkat (Sandusky Bay), the former stronghold of the Huron
Chief Nicholas, who in 1747 rebelled against the French and
built himself a Fort there.'
The traders were captured by orders of Celeron, Comman-
der at Detroit, '^ to which place they were taken and confined
in the fort for five months, then taken to Niagara and Quebec.
At the latter place Falkner was left, on account of sickness ;
the other three were sent to Rochelle, France, and there
imprisoned for three months, then liberated and returned to
America. Pattin's goods, to the value of eight or nine hun-
dred pounds, were seized when he was captured.'
December 17. — The " New Fort" which the French were
building on one of the branches of Lake Erie, and to which
Croghan supposed the French took the captives, is erroneously
stated by Mr. Bancroft to be Fort Sandusky. There has
been much uncertainty respecting the location of the
1 Letter of the Marquis de la Jonquiere to M. Rouille. Also from same
to Governor Clinton of New York. New York : Colonial History, Vol.
VI, p 733 ; ditto, Vol. X, p. 240. Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. V, p.
556. See the examination and depositions of the prisoners, by the Governor
of Canada, La Jonquiere, at Montreal, in June 1751, in " The Conduct of
the Ministry, a Memorial, etc.," pp. 92-106. English edition, 1777.
French original edition, 1756, pp. 89-100. See Pennsylvania Colonial
Records, Vol. V, p. 522.
^ New York Colonial History, Vol. X, p. 251.
^ See his petition to the Assembly of Pennsylvania for relief. Journals of
Assembly, October 17, 1752. Letter of Earl of Albemarle, from Paris,
March i, 1752, to the Earl of Holderness. New York Colonial History.
Vol. X, p. 241. John Pattin's " Narrative of his Captivity, 1750," Pennsyl-
vania Historical Society.
no CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
French Fort Sandusky and also of the British Post
subsequently erected. In the French official reports, from
1748 to 1763, there is no mention of any fort at Sandusky
(excepting that of the Huron Chief Nicholas), while the Posts
at Detroit, Miami and Niagara are frequently referred to, and
detailed accounts of their condition given.'
There is no mention of a fort at Sandusky in Colonel James
Smith's Narrative. He lived and hunted with the Indians
along the south shore of Lake Erie, from the Cuyahoga to
the Maumee, during the five years of his captivity — 1755 to
1760.^ Nor is there anything said of Fort Sandusky in the
journals of Major Robert Rogers, who was sent with a detach-
ment of troops, by General Amherst, in 1760, to Detroit, to
receive the surrender of that and all other western posts held
by the French, in accordance with the terms of the capitu-
lation of Canada, by Governor Vaudreuil.'
The Fort of the Huron (Wyandot) war chief, Nicholas,
was probably on what is now called Cherry Island, in the
marshes, between Green Creek and the Sandusky River,
about two miles above the mouth of the latter. It now con-
tains but a few acres of good land, above overflow, and is the
most inaccessible of the islands in the vast Sandusky marshes,
and only to be reached by canoes or small boats. Neverthe-
less, Nicholas, apprehensive of French attack, with the
assistance of their Indian allies, early in the Spring of 1748,
' " Memorial of De Galissoniere on the Canadian Posts, December 10,
1752 ;" New York Colonial History, Paris, Vol. X, p. 230. " Dispatch of
Longueil to Rouille, April, 1752; " id., pp. 245-251.
' " Smith's Narrative " Ohio Valley, Historical Series : R. Clarke & Co.,
1870.
"Journals of Rogers, London, 1765 ; also, " Journals of George Croghan,
Fort Pitt to Detroit,i76o-i," in Massachusetts Historical Collection ; Fourth
Series, Vol. IX, pp. 362, 366.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. Ill
burned his fort and village, and with 119 warriors of his na-
tion, men, women and baggage, took the route to White
River.' This probably is the fort "Junundat, built in 1754,"
marked as on the east side of the Sandusky River, near the
Bay, on Evans' Map of 1755, and Pownall's of 1776. If this
location is correct, the Wyandot fort and village must have
been on Peach and Graveyard Islands, directly at the mouth
of the river, on the east side. On these same maps Fort
Sandusky is laid down on the west side, opposite Junundat.
Both river and bay being very erroneously delineated on Dr.
Mitchell's Map, published by authority of the British Govern-
ment, in 1755 : " Sandusky usurped by the French in 1751 is
marked at the river's mouth on the west side ; the river itself
is named Blanc."
On the map of D'Anville, Paris, 1755, "Sandousche" is
marked on the west side of the river Blanc, at its mouth, and
on the English map of the same date, the location is the
same, marked "Fr. Fort Sanduski." On the map of M.
Bellin, the French Geographer Royal, Paris, 1755, the "Fr.
Ft. Sanduski " is placed at the west side of the mouth of
the river and noted as an old or " Ancient Fort abandoned ; "
and in the " Remarques sur la Carte," published with the
Atlas, the author, in describing the country around Lake
Erie, observes that " where the river flows into the end of the
Bay of Sandusky, we (the French) have a fort and habitation."
" The French go in three days from Fort De Troit to Fort San-
doskes, which is a small pallisaded Fort with about twenty
men, situated on the south side of Lake Erie and was built
in the latter end of the year 1750." From narrative of John
Pattin, Indian trader, of his captivity in 1750.'' Among the
"King's Maps and Drawings," .in the Library of the
' "French Journal of Occurrences in Canada," 1747-8; "New York
Colonial History," Vol. .X, pp. 162, 178; id., Vol. VI, pp. 706, 733.
^ Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
112 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
British Museum, the writer found and had copied a large
and finely executed MS. map of Lake Erie and the Allegheny
River, with the British Posts of Presque Isle, Le Bceuf, Ve-
nango, and Fort Pitt, made about 1760.
A fort destroyed is laid down on the northwest shore of
Lake Sandusky, about two miles east of the entrance to the
Little Portage, or Indians' carrying place, and a half mile in
length between Sandusky Bay and the mouth of the Portage
River, where Port Clinton now stands. This was on the usual
route taken by the Indians and French from and to Detroit
and the North. " The French erected a post here (Sandusky)
in the year 1754 and abandoned it in the year 1759. This post
was established principally with a view of keeping up the
communication with Detroit, Fort DuQuesneand Presque Isle
and of assisting parties of warriors residing northward of Lake
Erie, when on their way to, and returning from, the frontiers of
the different States."^ The earlier date of the erection of the
French Fort at Sandusky, 1^50, as stated by Pattin, seems to
be the correct one, as well as its location near the " Little
Portage," where a " Fort destroyed " is marked on a small
sketch of the bay, the location of the Indian villages and the
British block-house, made by an officer, m 1761, and now
with the "Bouquet" MSS. in the Library of the British
Museum.
In the latter part of 1761 the British erected a block-house
on the south shore of Sandusky Bay, at the mouth of Mills
Creek.^ " The block-house at Sandusky is finished ; Lieuten-
ant Meyer and Ensign Paully remain yet there with thirty
' MS. account of the country and " Route from Fort Pitt to Sandusky
and thence to Detroit," by Captain Thomas Hutchins, 1761. Library of
Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia.
^ Letter of Colonel Bouquet to General Amherst, from Fort Pitt, De-
cember 2, 1761.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. II3
men."' Lieutenant Meyer commanded during tiie erection of
the fort. Its location is correctly marked on the map of Cap-
tain Thomas Hutchins, of 1778. Also on his map in the
historical account of Bouquet's Expedition of 1764. Cap-
tain Hutchins was then an engineer in the British service.
He was at Fort Sandusky in 1762.'
The reader doubtless remembers that the British Fort San-
dusky shared the fate of many of the western posts, being
captured and destroyed by the Indians during the Pontiac
War of 1763.
December 25, 1750. Christmas Day. — This, no doubt, was
the first Protestant religious service ever held within the limits
of the present State of Ohio. The first Protestant sermon
was preached by the Rev. Charles Beatty, on the 21st of Sep-
tember, 1766, at Newcomerstown, about sixteen miles farther
up the Muskingum. The Rev. George Duffield preached in
the afternoon of the same day, at the same place. These
ministers were Presbyterian Missionaries, sent out by the
Synods of New York and Philadelphia.' On the 14th of
March, 1771, the Rev. David Zeisberger, Moravian Mission-
ary, preached his first sermon in Ohio, in the same town.* The
Rev. David Melluse, Missionary from Connecticut, preached
here in September, 1772.'
' " Diary of Sir William Johnson," in Appendix to Stone's Life of Sir
William, Vol. II, p. 466. Letter of Colonel Bouquet to General Monck-
ton, from Fort Pitt, July 24, 1761. Massachusetts Historical Collection,
Vol. IX, Fourth Series, p. 434, and same to the same, August 12, 1761, id.,
p. 438.
- Letter of Colonel Bouquet to Ensign PauUy, April 3, 1762, in Gazette,
Philadelphia, April 27, 1791. Treaty of Greenville.
■' " Beatty's Journal of a Two Month's Tour West of the Allegheny
Mountains in 1766," London, 1768, pp. 55-56.
• " Life of Zeisberger," by E. DeSchweinitz, 1870, p. 366.
» "Journal of Missions, Hartford, 1773," of Thomas Burney, see note to
February 24.
114 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
January 4, 1751. —Michael Taaf, or Teaff, was a partner in
the Indian trade with William Trent and George Croghan.
He resided on the Susquehanna, a little below Harris' Ferry.*
January 9, 1751. — This English trader captured was John
Pattin, taken at Fort Miami.^
January 14. — The answer of the King and Council was,
given to George Croghan and Andrew Montour for the
Governor of Virginia, at Logstown, May 29, 1751. They
say, they are now at war with the Southern Indians ; may
be soon struck by the French, so that it is not in their
power to go down to hear what their great Father, the King
of Great Britain has to say. They expect that their Father's
speeches will be sent here where their brothers of Penn-
sylvania have kindled a Council Fire.**
January 15. — Reaching the Whitewoman's Creek, about
four miles west of the present town of Coshocton. Mary
Harris, the white woman, doubtless was the same person who
was captured at the assault and burning of Deerfield, Massa-
chusetts, by the French and Indians from Canada, February
29, 1704. A list of the killed and prisoners is given in the
Appendix to the fourth edition of the "Captivity and Deliv-
erance of the Rev. John Williams, of Deerfield, Massachu-
setts, 1758." The name of Mary Harris is marked among
those still absent. It appears she left the village, where Gist
saw her, and returned to Canada, as in a " Memoir of the
Rev. John Williams, by his grandson, Stephen W. Williams,
Northampton, Massachusetts, 1853," it is stated, on page
121, that "as lately as the year 1756 Mary Harris, who was
one of the female prisoners and a child at the time of the
capture of the town, resided at Cahnawaga " (near Montreal).
' " Colonial Records," Vol. VI, p. 150.
•^ See note to December 17th, antff.
< " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 537.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF I7SC-51. II5
" She was at that time a married woman and had several
children, one of whom was an officer in the service of France."
The Cahnawagas, or French Mohawks, frequented the
country, both north and south of the Ohio. Their chief town
was at the rapids of St. Louis, near Montreal, where a num-
ber of the tribe yet reside, 1879.' Whitewoman's Town is
marked on Dr. Mitchell's Map of 1755 as well as Gist's
route, from his notes referred to in the sketch of the Ohio
Company. The town is also marked on the Map of Evans,
1755, and appears to have been situated about opposite the
mouth of Killbuck Creek, in the present County of Coshoc-
ton, which location agrees with Gist's. Whitewoman's
Creek is also called the Walkending — a Delaware name.
January 16. — The trail led in a southwesterly direction,
through the present Coshocton County, passing near Dres-
den, in the County of Muskingum ; thence to the Licking
Creek, crossing it at Clay Lick Station, Hanover Township,
Licking County, on the Central Ohio Railroad, six miles
east of Newark.
January 17. — In the southern part of Licking County. At
the time of Gist's visit this swamp was of great extent, part
of the locality is known as the Licking Reservoir of the Ohio
Canal, the construction of which commenced here in 1825.^
This was the " Great Buffalo Swamp" of Smith's narrative,
where he hunted with the Indians in 1755 or 6 and where
they made salt.'
' See " Narrative of Colonel James Smith," pp. 16, 32, 52, 107 and
Appendi.x, p. 172. " Bouquet's Expedition," R. Clarke & Co., pp. 63, 75,
153. Deposition in appendix to these notes.
' Ohio Canal Doc, 1828, p. 105. Niles' Register, Vol. XXVIII, p. 22.
'"Colonel James Smith's Captivity," page 21. See also "Historical
Sketch of Licking Township," by Isaac Smucker. Pioneer Paper, No. 3,
Licking County Pioneer Association, Newark, Ohio, 1869.
Il6 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
January 19. — Hockhockin, now Lancaster, Fairfield County,
the "Standing Stone" or Ach-sin-sink of the Delawares, is a
rocky eminence near the town. Visited by the Missionary,
the Rev. David Jones, in 1773. He mentions in his Journal :
" February 9th, at the Standing Stone. This town consists
chiefly of Delaware Indians. It is situated on a creek called
Hock-hock-in.' Hack-hack is a Delaware word, and signifies
a gourd with a neck; also applied to bottles.'' Hockhocking,
from the shape of the creek,' resembling that of a bottle.
John Brickell's account : he was for five years a prisoner
among the Delawares in Ohio.'' Marked " Hockhocking or
French Margaret's," town on Evans' Map of the Middle
Colonies, 1755. Mitchell's ditto, Pownall's of 1776, ditto.
French Margaret was a daughter of Madame Montour. It
is probable she resided here at one time.
January 20. — Maguck. In the Pickaway plains, between
Scippo Creek and the Scioto River, in Pickaway County and
township, three and one-half miles south of Circleville ;
"the small rising in the middle" was called "Black moun-
tains " by the natives.^ William Trent got to the Maguck
July 3, 1752." " The Delawares informed me the lower Shawa-
nese had removed off the river (Ohio) up the Sciota to a
great plain called Moguck."' At the time of Gist's visit only
'Journal, p. 64, original edition, Burlington, New Jersey, 1774. Sabin's
reprint. New York, 1865, p. 86.
^ Heckwelder, "Historical Account of the Indian Nations," p. 56.
Narrative of ditto, p. 144.
■' About six miles above Lancaster.
'American Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 38-43. Howe's "History of Ohio," pp.
161-600.
' Howe's " Ohio," p. 402.
"Journal, R. Clarke & Co., 1871.
' "Journal of Christopher F. Post, November 28, 1758," Pennsylvania
Archives, Vol. Ill, p. 560.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. 117
a portion of the Delaware tribes had removed to the Ohio
country from Pennsylvania.
The Shawanese occupied the land on the Scioto in the
latter part of the preceding century and also the country
along the lower Cumberland River, in Kentucky, first called
the Shawnee River ; they were compelled to remove in their
wars with the Iroquois or Five Nations. Some of the tribe
went south, but the greater part emigrated to the upper Poto-
mac and to Pennsylvania, along the Susquehanna and its
branches.' " You Shawanese look back toward Ohio the
place from whence you came and return thitherward for now
we shall take pity on the English and let them have all this
land." "The Delaware Indians sometime ago bid us Depart
for they was Dry and wanted to drink ye land away, where-
upon we told them Since some of you are gone to Ohioh we
will go there also, we hope you will not Drink that away
too.'"
They gradually removed westward, Delawares and Shawa-
nese from 1728 to 1755, first to the Allegheny and Ohio rivers
and thence to the Muskingum and Scioto, by permission how-
ever of the Wyandots.'
The wild rye was a coarse, natural grass, much used for fod-
der by the early settlers.* Scioto, deer. Where deer are
' Pennsylvania Colonial Record, Vol. IV, p. 337. Hazard's "Pennsyl-
vania," Vol. V, p. 115.
2" Shawnee Chief's Message to Governor Gordon, 1732," Pennsylvania
Archives, Vol. I, p. 329. Report of Committee, November 22, 1755.
Journals of Pennsylvania Assembly, p. 517.
" " Treaty of the United States with the Wyandots at Fort Harmar, in
1789." American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 7. New York
Colonial History, Vol. IX, p. 1035. Albert Gallatin in "Transactions of
American Antiquarian Society," Vol. Ill, pp. 49,68, 69. Shea's "Dis-
coveries in the Mississippi Valley," 1853, p. 41, note.
*Ohio Gazetteer, 1841, p. 360.
Il8 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
plenty.' Deer, Scaenoto, Magua.^ Zeisberger and other
Moravian Missionaries.^ The language of the Hurons
and Wyandots comes near the Magua.^ John Johnston
observes in "Howe's History of Ohio," p. 600, that "the
Sci-on-to River was named by the Wyandots, who formerly
resided on it ; signification unknown." On p. 599 of the
same volume he gives specimens of the Wyandot language ;
in the list deer is — Ough — Scanoto.^ In the Onondaga
tongue deer is Skan-o-do." The Wyandots or Hurons, and
Iroquois or Five Nations, were of the same original stock.
The Rev. David Jones, in his Journal of 1772, p. 4, says :
"The name which the Shawnese give Sciota has slipped my
memory, but it signified Hairy River. The Indians tell us
deer were so plenty when they came to drink, the stream
would be thick of hairs. The name Ona-Sciota, mountains
in Southeastern Kentucky, on Evans' Map of 1755 and
Hutchins of 1778, doubtless meant mountains where deer
are plenty.
January 24. — It is evident from the text of the Journal that
Gist did not cross to the west side of the Scioto, where he states
Harrickintom's town to be located, and such is the conclusion
of Governor Pownall in his edition of Evans' Map, 1776, on
which Gist's route is laid down and this town placed on the
east side of Scioto. On Dr. Mitchell's Map of 1755 the same.
On Evans' original Map of 1755 and Hutchins' of 1778 it is
' "Lagard's Dictionary of the Huron Language," Paris, 1633.
2 Mohawk.
< Vocabulary in the " Bulletin of the Pennsylvania Historical Society,"
Vol. I, p. 42-
Md.,p.3i-
^ Also in Transactions American Antiquarian Society, Vol. I, pp. 293-
298.
" Schoolcraft, Gallatin's Vocabulary.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF 17SO-5I. I IQ
placed on the west side. It seems to have stood a little below
the site of the present city of Chillicothe and nearly opposite
the mouth of Paint Creek.
January 25. — Salt Lick Creek empties into the Scioto,
on the east side, in Jefferson township, Ross County. The
" Scioto Salt Works," the first and for several years the only
manufactory of salt in this part of Ohio, were on this creek.'
"This river (Scioto) is furnished with salt on an eastern
branch." '
January 27. — This town stood on the east branch of the
Scioto, in the present Clay township, Scioto County. Win-
daughalah was a great war chief during the French wars.
His name implies an ambassador. He was a prominent
counsellor in peace times. He lived at Tuscarawas in 1762,
where he had the figure of a water lizard tatooed on his face
above the chin ; he was then named Swe-gach-shasin.' This
chief appeared at a Conference, held at Pittsburgh, July 5,
1759, between George Croghan, Deputy of Sir Wm. Johnston,
Superintendent of Indian Affairs in North America, Colonel
Hugh Mercer, Commander of the Garrison of Fort Pitt, offi-
cers, etc., and the Indian chiefs and warriors of the Six Na-
tions, Shawanese, Delawares, and Wyandots.* Also at a
Conference held at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, between Gover-
nor Hamilton, the Council of the Province and the chiefs of
the Ohio Delawares, Shawanese, Tuscarawas, Ottawas and
Miamis, and the Six Nation chiefs and others from the North,
in August, 1762.
At Pittsburgh, with " White Eyes " and other chiefs, in
June, 1774.^ He was present at the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh,
'"American Pioneer," Vol. I, p. 97.
^ Evans, Analysis of Map, 1755, P- 3°-
' Heckwelder's " Indian Nations," p. 198.
* Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, Vol. VIII, p. 383, etc.
* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IV, p. 531.
120 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
on the Ohio, where Beaver, Pennsylvania, now stands, in
January, 1785, and then with other chiefs, representing the
Delawares and Wyandots, executed a deed to the State of
Pennsylvania for the remainder of their lands within that
State. Being the oldest, Chief Windaughalah, or the " Coun-
cil Don," signed first.' He also appeared at the Treaty held
at Fort Finney, at the mouth of the great Miami, in January,
1786, between the United States and the Shawanese. Win-
daughalah being active in persuading that tribe to make
terms with the Government.^ At this time this distinguished
chief must have been quite old. The famous head chief
and warrior of the Delawares, Buckongahelas, was his son.
January 29. — The lower Shawanese Town was situated
where the present town of Alexandria, opposite Portsmouth,
at the mouth of the Scioto, now stands, and also on the south
shore of the Ohio River, directly opposite,'' to which the
Shawanese on the north side were compelled to remove, within
a few years after Gist's visit, in consequence of a great flood
in the Scioto destroying the town at its mouth. George
Croghan was there at the time ; the water was near fifty feet
above the ordinary level.'' This town was a noted place for
Indian trade.'
In the original MS. account of "losses occasioned by the
French and Indians, driving the English Traders off the
Ohio," in 1754, made by George Croghan, at Carlisle, April
24, 1756, appears this item of property seized belonging
to William Trent, George Croghan, Robert Callender and
Michael Teaff, Traders in Company :
'See "Minutes of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 1785," p. 327.
^Craig's "Olden Time," Vol. II, p. 455, etc.
■' In the present Green County, Kentucky.
* Croghan's Journal, in Appendix to " Butler's History of Kentucky,"
Second Appendix, p. 462.
*" Evans' Analysis of Map of 17SS," P- 30.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. 121
" One large store House on the Ohio opposite to the mouth
of the River Scioto where the Shawanese had built their new
Town called the Lower Shawanese Town, which House we
learn by the Indians is now in the possession of a French
Trader ;^200."
The Shawanese removed to the plains of Scioto in 1758
and sent for those of their tribe, at Logstown, to join them.'
On Hutchins' large Map of 1778 the town at the mouth of
the Scioto is marked "Old Lower Shawnee Town," and the
place to which they removed is laid down " Lower Shawnee
Town," situated on both sides of the Scioto, on the " Plains."
There it became known as Upper Chillicothe, or Old Chilli-
cothe and " Pluggy's Town," four miles below Circleville, on
the west side of the river. ^ Some of the log cabins and
stone chimneys of the town, on the Kentucky side of the
Ohio, were standing in June, 1773, when Captain BuUit and
the McAfee Company passed down the Ohio.' Dr. Davidson
mentions it as a French village.' Traces of this town were
visible in 1820.^
" We are glad that the Shawanese who were our enemies
did make their application to you last fall, for protection and
that you sent them hither to endeavour to make peace with
' "Post's Journal." Dr. Franklin's Tract, "The Walpole Grant; or,
Ohio Settlement, 1772," original edition, p. 22.
2 Pownall's Map, 1776. Evans' ditto, 1755. Dr. Mitchell's ditto. Note in
Appendix to Colonel Smith's Narrative.
' Note on p. 53, Davidson's " History of the Presbyterian Church in
Kentucky."
* " Evans' Analysis of Map of 1755," p. 30.
^ See Collins' "History of Kentucky, 1874." Palmer's "Travels in the
United States and Canada, 1817," p. 65.
" " Answer of the Five Nations to Governor Fletcher, at Albany, July
4, 1693." New York Colonial History, Vol. IV, p. 42.
9
122 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
January 30. — The two prisoners were Maurice Turner and
Ralph Kilgore, in the employ of John Frazer, a trader, living
at the old Indian town of Venango, on the Allegheny River."
They were captured about twenty-five miles from the Miami
Town, in May, 1750, by seven Indians in the French interest,
who took them to Detroit, which " then had one hundred
and fifty houses, stockaded all around." They were set to
work for a farmer in the neighborhood, for three months,
when the commander of the Fort being superseded, by Cele-
ron, he took them with him to Niagara. While there they saw
Jean Coeur with the goods intended for Ohio. On their way
to Quebec they escaped from the guard in the night, between
Niagara and Oswego, reached the English fort at the latter
place and thence got to Sir William Johnston's " in a miserable
condition," and thence by way of New York to Philadelphia.^
In the original MS. deposition of Turner,' taken at Phila-
delphia, June 28, 1756, he states that "he and Kilgore were
taken by seven French Indians who robbed him of fifty
Pounds worth of Wampum and Silver work,"- and Turner
was again captured and robbed, in April, 1753, below the Falls
of the Ohio ; he escaped, with a French deserter, after being
taken to Logstown.*
February 11. — Marriage and cohabitation with women
amongst the savage tribes throughout the world present many
similar features, curious, and often beastly, customs. A tem-
porary interchange of wives is not uncommon among the
' " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 659, 660.
' Examination of Turner and Kilgore, by the Governor and Council,
October, 1750. " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol, V, p. 482. Letter
of Sir William Johnston to Governor Clinton, id., p. 481, and also in " New
York Colonial History,'' Vol. VI, p. 599.
* Among Colonel F. Etting's "^Traders' Papers."
* MS. deposition.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF 1750-51. 123
Indians of the far North.' A similar dance, etc., by a small
party of Iroquois near Fort Cumberland, in 1755, is described
in Sargent's " History of Braddock's Expedition," p. 376. It
is stated ° that in the Iroquois Canton of Tsonnontonon ' a
plurality of husbands prevails.
February 12 to 17. — To make the courses and distances
stated in the Journal reconcilable, Gist passed through the
present counties of Scioto, Adams, Highland, Fayette, Madi-
son, Clarke and Champaign to West Liberty, in the northern
part of Logan County, about 140 miles from the mouth of the
Scioto ; there he crossed the Mad River,* thence southwest to
the Twigtwee town — about twenty-five miles as he gives it.
His object being to examine the country occasioned his not
taking a more direct course, which would have been forty miles
less. The Twigtwees, or Pickawillamy Town, stood on the
west bank of the Great Miami, at the mouth of Laramie's
Creek, on the south side, in the present county of Miami,
about two and a half miles north of the present town of Piqua.*
Howe erroneously places it at the point where Laramie's store,
or Fort Laramie, afterwards stood, fourteen miles farther
north. By the French accounts the Miamis, in 171 8, had a
thousand warriors." In 1736 about six hundred fighting men.'
At the Treaty of Greenville, in 1795, the Miamis claimed to
have had undisputed occupation from time immemorial of all
' Mackenzie's Voyages.
'' Jeffry's " History of the French Dominions in America," London,
1750, p. 71.
•'' Senecas.
* Supposed by him to be the Little Miami, which heads about forty
miles farther south.
' Evans' and Mitchell's Maps, 1755. Pownall's, 1776. Hutchins', 1778.
« Memoir in the "Colonial History of New York," Vol. IX, p. 891.
'jid., p. 1057.
124 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
the country between the Scioto and the Wabash and from
Detroit to Chicago.'
In the Fall of 1747 the Miamis seized the French Fort
Miami, plundered and partly burned it.' In July, 1748, the
chiefs and deputies from the Miamis held their first Confer-
ence and Treaty with Pennsylvania at Lancaster. A number
of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese and chiefs of other
tribes were present. The Miamis then claimed to have, with
their allies, twenty towns and one thousand warriors.' Dis-
patches received from Governor Vaudreuil by the French
Ministry state that the English have succeeded in carrying
a revolt among the Miami tribes settled on the Rock River*
and the Wabash.'
February 18. — This fort was an Indian fortification, not a
traders' ; they, however, used it for their protection, as many
as fifty of them sometimes lodging within it." Pattin and
near sixty other traders lodged in "cabins" within a fort
belonging to the Miamis, whose chief's name was La Dem-
oiselle. It is probable the cabins and the Long or Council
House were stockaded, making a very defensible structure.
It was called La Demoiselle Fort in the dispatches of the
Marquis de Longuere to the Minister.' " You told us you
discovered on the Great Miami traces of an old Fort. It was
not a French Fort, Brother, it was a Fort built by me." '
' Speech of Little Turtle, American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 570.
* " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 140.
8 " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, pp. 307-9, September 18,
1750.
* Big Miami.
^ Paris Document, " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 220.
* French Memorial, Paris edition, 1756, p. 97. London edition, 1758, p.
103.
' " New York Colonial History," Vol. X, p. 245.
8 That is, " By my Tribe or Nation."
I NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF 175O-51. I25
Reply of the Miami chief, Little Turtle, to General Wayne,
at the Treaty of Greenville, August, 1795.' The ruins of this
fort were observed by the army under General Harmar, which
crossed the Miami here on October 10, 1790.'- At the Treaty
at Fort Harmar, in 1789, this point is referred to as "at the
mouth of the branch of the Big Miami," where the fort stood
which was taken by the French in 1752/
February 22. — The Treaty referred to in the biographical
sketch of George Croghan was dated as executed this day.*
February 24. — This fort was attacked and captured by a
force of about two hundred and forty Indians, led by two
Frenchmen, June 22, 1752. The old King, called Brittain,
was taken, killed and eaten, near the fort, in the presence of
his tribe. In the attack one white man and fourteen Indians
were killed, and five whites were taken prisoners.* Thomas
Burney and Andrew McBryar, traders, were in the fort at the
time of the attack, but escaped in the night. The other whites
were captured. Burney was afterward killed at Braddock's
defeat, July 9, 1755, and McBryar taken prisoner.*
" The Indians are not habitual Cannibals ;" after a victory,
however, it often happens that the bodies of their enemies are
consumed at a formal feast. A superstitious rite to incite
them to warlike deeds.' The British Ministry made much of
' American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 576.
2 Letter of General Harmar to the Secretary of War, Nov. 23, 1790.
' American State Papers, Vol. I.
* See " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 524, and see post
March i.
' Thomas Burney's Account and Message from the Twigtwees to Gov-
ernor Hamilton, August, 1752. Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 599. Assembly
Journals of Pennsylvania, p. 234.
* " MS. Accounts of George Croghan & Co., 1750," in which it is stated
that they lost goods, in the hands of Burney and McBryar at the taking
of the Twigtwees Town, to the value of ^331, 155.
' Parkman's " Pontiac," Vol. I, second edition, p. 234-257.
126 CHRISTOPHER GISx's JOURNALS.
this affair in all of their statements respecting the origin of
the war of 1754. On Dr. Mitchell's official Map of 1755, Pick-
waylinees is described as an " English Fort, established in
1748." ' It is obvious, as the " French Royal Geographer " ob-
served, that the French established in the neigborhood*
would not have permitted the erection of an English post
here.' The hostile force did not keep possession of the fort.
William Trent was in it a few days afterwards.* The Miamis
afterwards returned to the French alliance ; and it is stated
their fort was again attacked, although unsuccessfully, by the
Shawanese, Delawares and other Indians, in the English in-
terest, assisted by a few traders. Soon afterwards the Miamis
left the Big Miami, retiring to the Wabash and the Maumee.
The Shawanese took their place, since known as Upper
Piqua."
February 2$. — The Wawaughtanneys, or as the French cal-
led them, Ouatemeous — the most ancient of the Miami tribes.
February 26 — Twigtwees — as the Six Nations called the
Miamis, the French called them Ouitaneous."
February 27. — The French fort, Miami ; about forty-five
miles from Pickwaylinees and where the City of Fort Wayne,
Indiana, now stands.'
March 2. — This point on "Mad Creek" is about seven
miles west of Springfield, in Bethlehem township, Clarke
' See also "Contest in America," by an impartial hand, 1757, pp. 221-
237. Evans' Map, 1755 ; Hutchins', 1778.
" At Fort Miami, etc.
' Remarques sur la Carte de TAmerique, Paris, 1755, p. 120.
■* Journal, Logstown to Pickawillamy, 1752. Clarke & Co., 187 1.
s Howe's Ohio, Miami County, p. 363.
" Shea's " Charlevoix, American Antiquarian Collection," p. 63, Vol. II.
' "French Memoire," 1756, p- 98; English edition, p. 103. See also
Dillon's " History of Indiana." Brice's ditto of Fort Wayne. Hutchins'
Map, 1778. Arrowsmith's, ditto, 1796.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF 175O-5I. 127
County, at the junction of the old road from Laramie's store,
with the Springfield and Dayton road, or turnpike, where the
village of West Boston stood, five miles west of Springfield.
Piqua, a town famous in Shawanese Indian annals, was built
here, subsequently. It was destroyed by the army under
George Rogers Clarke, in 1780. Tecumseh was born here
about 1768." The traders captured here, were those before
mentioned, January 30, Turner and Kilgore.
March 3-8. — It seems probable Gist did not leave the
valley of the little Miami until in the present County of
Warren, thence Northeast to the mouth of Scioto. ' The
Mingoes, a name generally applied to Indians of the Iroquois
tribes or Six Nations. The Menguaes, or Mengwe, were, how-
ever, a distinct but kindred tribe of the Iroquois, with whom
they were continually at war, for over a century, until their
final subjugation in 1672-5, when their remnant, known as
Conestogas, was incorporated with their conquerors." Their
country extended between the lower Susquehanna and the
Delaware. They were known by the different names of Min-
guaes, Susquehannas, Andastes and Gandastogues or Cones-
togas.' Dr. O'Callaghan, editor of the "New York Colonial
History," erroneously restricts the name "Mingo" to the
" Iroquois of the Ohio." Dr. Shea also, in note to " Private
Diaries of Washington; Tour of the Ohio," p. 224, N. Y. i860:
" The Conestogas were formerly a part of the Five Nations,
called Mingoes, and speak the same language to this day."*
' According to Drake's " Life of Tecumseli."
^ Speecli of Cannesatego at the treaty of Lancaster, 1744. " Colonial
Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. IV, p. 708, etc. Colden's " History of the
Five Nations," third edition, 1755, Vol. IL
' "The Fall of the Susquehannocks," by S. F. Streeter ; "Historical
Magazine," Vol. I, 1857, p. 65. Alsop's " Maryland," 1666.
' "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. Ill, pp. 101-204. Pro-
ceedings of Provincial Council, at Philadelphia, October 3, 1722 ; and in
Evans' "Geographical Essays," an analysis of Map, 1755, p. 11. Note.
128 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
"The Confederates, otherwise called Iroquois, Five Nations,
Six Nations, Minguaes and Mingoes." As Dr. Shea correctly
observes,' "Gallatin erroneously placed them, (the Andastes
or Mingues), on the head waters of the Ohio, and having been
followed by Bancroft has misled many." -
March 12. — Crossed the Ohio to the south shore, in the
present County of Greenup, Kentucky, thence to a point
near the present town of Vanceburgh.
March 13. — Hugh Crawford's name first appears in the
list of Indian traders licensed in 1747-8.' He was trading
among the Miamis in the winter of 1749-50. They sent a
message by him to the Governor of Pennsylvania.* In 1755
he made the first settlement, or improvement at the " Stand-
ing Stone," now the town of Huntingdon, Pennsylvania.'
Crawford's House is marked at the mouth of Standing Stone
Creek, west side, on Scull's Map of Pennsylvania, 1759.'' He
was an Ensign in the ist Battalion, ist Pennsylvania Reg-
iment, 1757.' Served in General Forbes' campaign, 1758.
In March, 1759, he was in command of a detachment of
' "Historical Magazine," for 1857, Vol. II, p. 294.
'' See "History of United States," Vol. Ill, p. 245, and Map; also
"Transactionsof American Antiquarian Society," Vol. II,p. 73, and Map.
See also " Discoveries in New Netherlands," and Map. " Report of Cap-
tain Hendrickson," i6i6. " Holland Documents ; New York Colonial
History," Vol. I, p. 13. Vocabulary of the Minguae's Language, and note
in Campanius' "History of New Sweden," original edition, Stockholm,
1702, p. 182, etc.; Du Ponceus' translation, Philadelphia, 1834, p. 148.
"Captain John Smith's Explorations," 1608, and Map, in his "General
History of Virginia," 1629, Richmond edition, 1819, p. 182, etc., of Vol I.
Map of Virginia, De Laet, 1640.
' "Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 14.
* " Colonial Records," Vol. V, p. 437.
^ Lytle's " History of Huntingdon County," p. 71.
^ See also Judge Huston's " Land Titles of Pennsylvania," p. 338.
" Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II, p. 336.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF I75O-51. 129
troops at the "Breastworks," on the branch of Stony Creek,
now known as " Breastworks Run," near Stoyestown, Somer-
set County, Pennsylvania.' At the outbreak of the Pontiac
War, in the Spring of 1763, he and a boy were captured by
the Indians at Cedar Point, Maumee Bay, Lake Erie. Six
men of the party were killed.'' He was interpreter and
conductor of the Indians in running the western part of
Mason and Dixon's line, in 1767.^ For his services in that
business he received a "grant of preference" for five hun-
dred acres of land, in January, 1768, from Governor Penn.
It was one of the "Gist Tracts," in the present Fayette
County.* Crawford died in 1770. Salt Lick or Spring, since
known as the Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky,
about one and one-half miles from the Ohio River, at the
mouth of the creek, twenty-five miles below the great Miami
and eighty-six miles above Louisville. So called from the
bones of the Mastodon, or Mammoth, found there, first by
the French, in 1729.° George Croghan visited the Lick in
1765.' He removed some of the bones and sent them to
Peter Collinson in London.' See also letter from Dr. VVm.
Clarke, of Cincinnati, to Thomas Jefferson, in 1806, in refer-
' MS. letter, March, 1759, to Colonel Bouquet, from Hugh Crawford,
respecting the health of his men. " Bouquet Papers."
' Letter from Thomas Calhoon, at Tuscarawas, May 28, 1763.
' Manuscript Journal of Mason and Dixon, Library Pennsylvania His-
torical Society. "History of Mason and Dixon's Line," by James Veech,
1857, p. 42-
♦ Note to p. 96 of "Monongahela of Old," James Veech.
' Bellin's Map of 1754, in Charlevoix's "History of New France," Vol.
I, and Bellin's " Remarques sur la Carte de I'Am^rique," 1755, p. 121
note.
" Journal in Butler's "History of Kentucky," second edition, Appendix.
' " Description of the Mastodon, or Mammoth, of Ohio," pamphlet by
A. C. Bown, M.D., Amsterdam, 1809.
130 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
ence to his explorations here. He states that he had at one
time five tons of the bones.' Renewed and deep explorations
in 1876 brought to the surface quantities of these remains.
March 14.— About the site of Washington, Mason County,
four miles south of Maysville.
March 15.— Probably the Licking River at the Lower Blue
Licks. He had travelled thus far by an old trail from the
Ohio.
March 16.— Through the present counties of Hamilton,
Nicholas, Scott, and Franklin, to the Kentucky River, or near
it, above Frankfort.
March 18.— The Lower Salt Lick, now known as Salt
River. It is possible Gist reached it at the Licks, since called
Bullit's Licks, three miles from the river, in BuUit County,
near Shepherdville, and about eighteen miles southeast from
Louisville, at the Falls. The courses he gives in the Journal
would take him to this point, although his distances do not.
He must also have misunderstood Smith, as Salt River is
below and not above the Falls. It seems more probable that
the farthest point he reached westward was the branch of Salt
River, since known as Floyd's Fork ; there was a Salt Lick
on it in early times, where Floydsburgh, in Oldham County,
now stands.'^ The ridge of mountains he ascended is a low
range or elevation, extending from Oldham eastward to the
Kentucky River.
March 19. — The creeks he crossed are now named Bullskin,
Gist's, and other branches of Brashear's Creek, in Shelby
County; their course is southwest. He reached "the little
Cuttawa," or Kentucky River, about where the city of Frank-
fort now stands, crossed at the island above, thence southeast
' Appendix to Cramer's "Navigator," Pittsburgh, 1814. Cuming's
"Western Tour in 1807-9." Pittsburgh, 1810, p. 409.
2 See Munsell's State Map of Kentucky, 1816.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. I3I
through the present counties of Woodford and Fayette to the
border of Clark. The Kentucky River is here called the
" Little Cuttawa,"' and such appears to be the name by
which it was first known, from the fact that the Indian trail
or war-path to the Country of the Catawbas, in the Carolinas,
led from the lower Shawnee town, opposite the mouth of the
Scioto, southward to the Warrior Branch, or North Fork, of
the Kentucky River, thence up the river to the "war gap"
in the mountain ridge,* thence southwest to the Shawnee or
Cumberland River, thence south to the Cumberland Gap,
thence to and by way of the French Broad River to the
Catawba country.' Kentucky or Kentuckgin, Kantuchy,
Kentucke, from Ken-ta-ke, a Mohawk'' word signifying
" among the meadows," ° so applied with the usual correct-
ness of descriptive names by the Indians to the country
through which the Kentucky River flows — the woodland
meadows being its characteristic feature." John Johnston,
who was for many years Agent for Indian Affairs in Ohio,
states that " Kentucky is a Shawnee word, meaning, at the
head of a river."' In the Shawnee language Meadows is
M'shish-kee-we-kut-uk-ah.* In Evans' "Analysis of Map of
I7S5>" P- 29, this river is described as "having high clay banks,
' Catawba.
* In Clay and Perry counties.
' See Lewis Evans" Map, 1755. Pownall's, 1776. Hutchins', 1778. Fil-
son's Map of Kentucky, 1784. Munsell's State Map of ditto, 1816.
■* Iroquois or Six Nations.
^ List of names of places given to Dr. Hough, by an intelligent Indian
of the Cahnawagas, or French Mohawks, of the tribe near Montreal.
Hough's " History of St. Lawrence County," New York, 1858.
" In a Mohawk Vocabulary, in the "American Aboriginal Archives,"
Vol. II, p. 486, Meadows is Ye-e-an-ty-yk-ta.
' " Archives Americana," Vol. I, p. 279. Howe's " Historical Collection
of Ohio," p. 600.
* Vocabulary in Schoolcraft's "American Aboriginal Archives," Vol.
II, p. 474.
132 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
abounds in Cane and Buffaloes and large Salt Springs, its
navigation interrupted with some shoals, but passable with
Canoes to the Gap where the war path goes through the Oua-
siota mountains," which Evans deems " a very important
pass." Evans' information respecting the country was
obtained from Alexander Maginty and Alexander Lowry,
well-known and intelligent traders from Pennsylvania.' The
name Kentucky first appears in the Deposition of Alexander
Maginty, taken at Philadelphia, before William Allen, Chief
Justice of Pennsylvania, on the I2th of October, 1753, wherein
he states that on the preceding i6th of January, when return-
ing with six other traders from the Cuttawas, in Carolina,
they were attacked and taken prisoners by seventy Cahna-
wagas, or French Praying Indians, from the river St. Law-
rence, at a place about twenty-five miles from the Blue Lick
town and on the south bank of the Cantucky River, which
empties itself into the Allegheny River, about two hundred
miles below the lower Shawnee Town.'' The captives were
beaten and plundered of their goods, taken to Fort Miami,
thence to Detroit, Niagara and Montreal. Two of their num-
ber were sent to France ; one escaped. Maginty, with the three
remaining prisoners, were redeemed by Colonel Schuyler and
the other commissioners of Indian affairs, at Albany, paying
the Indians about seventy-two pounds. In Maginty's peti-
tion to the Pennsylvania Assembly for relief, the river is called
" Kantucqui," a western branch of the Ohio." In the Treaty
of Greenville, 1795, Article III, it is mentioned as theCuttawa
or Kentucky River; also on Hutchins' Map, 1778, and in
Morse's Gazetteer of North America, 1798, Kentucky River "is
' Analysis, p. 10.
- " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, pp. 627,663. New York
Mercury, August 19, 1754.
•' Assembly Journal of Votes and Proceedings for 1753, October 16,
p. 272.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNAL OF I7SO-5I. I33
sometimes called Cuttawa," p. 260. In the Walpole Grant of
Vandalia, in 1773, it is mentioned as the " Louisa Catawba, or
Cuttawa."' By the " Great Cuttawa River" Gist probably
means the Cherokee River, now the Tennessee. Hendrick
Apamans, a Mohican chief, speaks of the " Cherokees or Kut-
toohwoh" in his interesting " Narrative," 1794, Vol. II, part i,
p. 128. Memoirsof the Pennsylvania Historical Society, 1827.
On the map, in the Tract attributed to General Oglethorpe,
London, 1733, the Tennessee River is marked " Cussetaolias
Hochelepe" River. George Croghan, in his Journal, on May
31, 1765, mentions, "passed the mouth of the river Kentucky
or Holsters River," "A fine level country;" so Daniel Boone
described it. The beautiful level of Kentucky.'
March 20. — This mountain is the low ridge in Clarke
County.
March 21. — To the Kentucky River, near the mouth of Red
River, between Clarke, Estill and Madison Counties. The
" shining stones " doubtless were iron ores, with a little sul-
phur, abundant here.' This was the point reached by Daniel
Boone on his first visit to Kentucky, in 1769, eighteen years
after Gist.*
March 24. — Along the North Fork of the Kentucky River,
in the present counties of Lee, Perry and Letcher, coal abun-
dant.'
April I. — Through the Pound Gap, or Stony Gap, as some call
it, about twelve miles southeast of Whitesburgh, in Letcher
' MS. and " Plain Facts," 1781, p. 156. Butler's " History of Kentucky,"
second edition, pp. 24, 504. Hall's " Sketches of the West," Vol. I, p. 251,
and Introductory Chapter to this volume, part relative to Dr. Thomas
Walker's explorations.
2 " Narrative " in Filson's " History of Kentucky," 1784, p. 326.
^ See Collins' " History of Kentucky."
* Boone's " Narrative," in Filson, p. 326. Collins' " History," Vol. II,
p. 495-
' Collins' " History of Kentucky," Vol. II, pp. 462, 579.
134 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
County, Kentucky ; then he struck the head of the Pound
Fork of the Big Sandy River, in Wise County, Virginia. Coal
is abundant in this county and has many surface indications.'
April 3. — On the stream called Indian Creek, the middle
head fork of the Big Sandy, in Wise County. The Crane
was a totem or badge of one of the Miami tribes ; ^ also of the
Wyandots.' A common practice among the Indian tribes,
with war parties at a distance from home, was to paint on trees
or a rock figures of warriors, prisoners, animals, etc., as intel-
ligible to other Indians as a printed handbill among whites.''
April 7. — On Guesse's Creek or River, a branch of Clinch,
in Wise County, Virginia. This stream was probably named
for our explorer — Gist being often mispronounced " Guess."
On the map of Kentucky, in Imlay's "History," third edition,
1797, Gist's Creek, a branch of Brashear's, in Shelby County,
is marked Guesse's Creek. ^
April 23.— Along the New Garden ridge, dividing Buchanan
and Russell counties.
April 27-29. — In Baptist Valley, Tazewell County. From
the 7th to this day — the 29th — Gist was slowly toiling along on
his general course, east and northeast, in the valley of Clinch
River, on the south side of the ridge dividing the heads of
the Big Sandy from the Clinch, which stream he evidently
supposed to be the Cuttawa or Kentucky.
' Madison's Map of Virginia. State Map of Virginia. Lloyd's Map, etc.
a " New York Colonial History," Vol. IX, pp. 621, 1057.
^ Howe's " History of Ohio," Wyandot County. Kirchval's " History of
the Valley of Virginia," p. 67. Howe's Historical Collection of Virginia,
Tazewell County. Morris' " Narrative," p. 491.
* For a curious instance of their conveying defiant notice in this manner
to their enemies, the French, see Schoolcraft, "American Aboriginal
Archives," and Colden's "History of the Five Nations," Vol. II, Chap-
ter XII.
= See Martin's " Geographical Gazetteer of Virginia," pp. 434-35, and
map.
NOTES TO CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNAL OF I75O-5I. 135
April 30. — The Blue Stone River, in Abbs Valley, Tazewell
County, northeast of Jeffersonville. In 1756 and subsequent
years the Indians from north of the Ohio made frequent in-
cursions against the settlers in Western Virginia, by way of
Kentucky or Big Sandy rivers, and then by the Blue Stone to
the Kenhawha or New River.'
May I. — In Mercer County, the "very high mountain,"
upon the top of which was a rock, sixty or seventy feet high,
to the top of which he climbed, is on the west side of New
River. The eminence Gist paused to climb was not the
"Hawk's Nest," as erroneously stated by Mr. Bancroft.''
That grand precipice overhangs the east bank of New River,
in Fayette County, at least fifty miles north of the ridge
ascended by Gist. The Kanawha " breaks through the next
high mountain below the mouth of Greenbrier River, in
Raleigh and Greenbrier counties."
May 7. — This stream is usually called " Kanhawha " below
the junction of the Gauley and New Rivers. Respecting the
origin of the names Kanhawha and New River or Woods
River, see note to Gist's second "Journal."
May 8. — He reached and crossed the New River, below the
mouth of Indian Creek,' which is eight miles in a direct line
above the mouth of the Blue Stone.
May 9. — On the stream well known as Indian Creek, at the
mouth of Drooping Lick Creek, in Monroe County, about mid-
way from the Red to the Salt Sulphur Springs.
May 10. — Peters' Mountain.
May II. — Big Stony Creek, in Giles County. The "Lake
or Pond " is on the summit of Salt Pond Mountain, in the
' Howe's " Historical Collection of Virginia," p. 490. Bicldey's " History
of Indian Wars of Tazewell County," 1852, p. 191.
2 " History of the United States," Vol. IV, p. 82.
' In Monroe County.
136 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
same county, and about ten miles east of Parisburgh. " The
water is fresh, clear and inhabited by fine trout." ' Produces
but few fish.^ " The Lake is three-quarters of a mile long
and will average a third of a mile in width.' This agrees
with Gist's estimate of its dimensions. -Pollard also states
that " it has never been inhabited by fish ... all placed in
it disappeared." ■* Sinking Creek is also in Giles County ; this
stream sinks, a mile or more before reaching the New River,
by an underground passage or channel.
May 13. — Richard Hall's, at or near where Christiansburgh
now stands, in Montgomery County.
May 14. — Thomas Lee was the President of the Council
of Virginia.
May 15. — This day he reached a point at or near Little
River, in the present Floyd County.
May 16. — " Beaver Island Creek." He encamped by its
main branch, now called Big Reedy Island Creek, in the
present Carroll County.
May 17. — At the "Flower Gap," on the dividing line between
the present counties of Carroll, in Virginia, and Surry, in
North Carolina.
May 18. — On the north side of the Yadkin River, and on
the west side of the stream marked Saw Mill Creek, near and
west of Reddies River, near the present town of Wilkesbarre,
in Wilkes County, North Carolina,^ on which Gist's place of
residence is marked.*
1 Howe's " Historical Collection of Virginia," p. 278. Boyes' State Map
of Virginia, 1859. " Gazetteer of Virginia," p. 346.
2 Kirchval's " Valley of Virginia," p. 343, where it is also stated tliat
"the pond has risen twenty-five feet since 1804."
3 Pollard's "Virginia Tourist," 1870, p. 146.
••Id., p. 141.
5 See Fry & Jefferson's Map of Virginia, 1751-55.
" See also map engraved for Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia," and Price
& Strothers' State Map of North Carolina, 1808.
Lone I,
^(urnan "''^^
NURE
Al<rom (quinj -■
^of^fjound
^G, 1756.
NOTES TO GIST'S SECOND JOURNAL, 1751-52.
November 4, 1751. — The Ohio Company's store-house stood
on the south bank of the Potomac, directly opposite to the
present city of Cumberland, Maryland, in Frederick (now
Hampshire) County, Virginia. It was built in the year 1750,
by Hugh Parker, the Factor of the Company, on land pur-
chased for them from Lord Fairfax by Parker and Colonel
Thomas Cresap. The main building was constructed of timber,
a double house and two stories in height ; it stood on the bank,
a short distance east of the present residence' of Captain
Perry, fronting and near the river.'' The name of "Caicutuck
or Wills' Creek " first appeared on Fry & Jefferson's Map of
Virginia and Maryland, 175 1. It is accurately laid down, but
not named, on Mayo's Map of the Survey of the Potomac in
1736. The gap in the Allegheny Mountains is four miles
west of Cumberland, where the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad
crosses the National Road at "Braddock's Run," as the south-
west fork of Wills' Creek has been called since 1755; Brad-
dock's route and the National Road as at first constructed
being on the same track as that of Gist.'
November 5. — To a point about three miles west of the
present town of Frostburgh, in Garrett County, Maryland, on
the National Road.
> 1877.
2 Copy of drawing in the King's Library, British Museum, made for W.
M. Darlington, 1874. London Board of Trade MS. Fry & Jefferson's
Map of Virginia, 1751. Sparks' "Washington Letters," Vol II, p. 15.
" Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 134.
' " Braddock's Expedition."
'0 ('37)
138 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
November 8. — Little Meadow Run and other small streams,
heads of Castleman's River, or the middle fork of the Youghi-
ogheny ; on the west side or foot of Little Meadow Mountain,
and about twenty miles west of Cumberland, in Garrett
County, Maryland, and Elk Lick Township, Somerset County,
Pennsylvania.
November 20-21. — Crossing Negro Mountain into Addison
Township, Somerset County, Pennsylvania.
November 22. — The Youghiogheny River has three heads or
forks : the main, or south fork, rises in Preston County, West
Virginia, near the spring-head of the Potomac; the middle
fork, or Castleman's River, rises in Garrett County, Maryland,
and the north fork, or Laurel Hill Creek, rises in Somerset
County, Pennsylvania. The name first appears, marked
"Spring heads of Yok-yo-gane river a south branch of the
Monongahela," on a "Map of the Northern Neck in Virginia,
the Territory of Thomas Lord Fairfax according to a late sur-
vey drawn in the year 1737 by Wm. Mayo."' It next appears
on Fry and Jefferson's Map of Virginia and Maryland, of 175 1,
as the " Yawyawganey River." Gist seems to have reached the
middle fork this day, above Lost Run, in the northwest part
of Addison Township, Somerset County, Pennsylvania, thence
crossed into Upper Turkey-foot Township.
November 24. — Crossed the south fork at Turkey-foot, or
Three Forks, near the present town of Confluence, in Somer-
set County, where the three branches of the Youghiogheny
unite ; thence proceeding, he encamped about the head of
" Gabriel's Run," in Henry Clay Township, Fayette County.
The name Youghiogheny — Youghanne — was evidently given
to this stream by the Indian tribe of the Kanhawhas, Conoys
or Canawese, who, in the beginning of the last century, in-
habited the country around the heads of the Potomac and
' " History of the Dividing Line," and other Tracts, Richmond, 1866,
Vol. II, p. 117, etc.
NOTES TO gist's SECOND JOURNAL, I75I-S2. 139
back of the great mountains in Virginia.' They were of the
same nation and language as the Nanticokes, of the Algon-
quin, Lenape or Delaware stock. Yough — four — and hanne
— stream or rapid-flowing stream. As before mentioned, the
three head branches of this river join at the point and form a
fourth or main stream.'
November 25. — To the Licks, on Stony Fork of Big Sandy
Creek, in Wharton Township, Fayette County, and near the
National Road.
November 26-29. — I" George's and South Union townships,
Fayette County.
December 6.^The upper forks of the Monongahela are
formed by the junction of Cheat River, in Fayette and Green
counties, near the southern boundary-line of the State. The
general course of Gist from Wills' Creek to the Monongahela
was to the north of the road subsequently opened for the Ohio
Company, in 1752-53, by Gist and Cresap, they employing In-
dians for that purpose. The troops under Washington, in 1754,
greatly repaired it as far as Gist's plantation, and in 1 75 5 it was
widened and completed by General Braddock's army to within
about six miles of Fort Du Quesne.' The reader will readily
observe that Gist deviated continually from a direct path, in
' See notes on the Kanawha Post.
* Smith's " History of Virginia," 1629. Richmond edition, 1819, Vol. I,
p. 147. " Hakluyt Society," 1849, p. 96. " Roger Williams' Key," p. 22.
Heckwelder, " History of the Indian Nations," 1819, pp. 26-74. John
Eliot's "Indian Grammar," Massachusetts Historical Collection, Vol.
IX, Series 2, p. 260. Dr. Edwards' " Indian Language," id., Vol. X, p.
129, Connecticut Historical Society, Vol. II, pp. 4-12, etc. Gallatin's
" Synopsis of the Indian Tribes." "Transactions of the American Anti-
quarian Society," Vol. 1 1, pp. 52-56, and Vocabulary, same volume, p. 359.
■' Resolutions of the Ohio Company, at a meeting held at Stafford Court
House, June 21, 1749. Also at Ocquoquan Ferry, December, 1750, and in
March, 1753. MS.
140 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
order to explore the country thoroughly, pursuant to his in-
structions.
December 7. — This Indian owner of this camp was the well-
known Delaware, Nemacolin. The creek was called by his
name in early times, but subsequently changed to Dunlap's.'
It empties into the Monongahela, at Brownsville.'^ Nema-
colin was the principal of the Indians employed by Gist and
Cresap to blaze and clear the road before mentioned. He was
intelligent and trustworthy." A letter from his father,
Checochinican, the chief of the Indians on the Brandywine, to
Governor Gordon, June 24, 1729, is in the "Pennsylvania
Archives," Vol. I, p. 239. It seems the Indians had sold
their lands on the Brandywine, reserving a part on the head
of the creek, by a writing, which was burned, with the cabin
wherein it was deposited. The mill-dams of the white settlers
destroyed their fishing, and they were otherwise " crowded
out " — as usual to the present day.* Charles Pokes's name
appears in the list of Indian traders in 1734.' On Mayo's
Map, of 1737, his name is marked, with those of four other
settlers, at the north bend of the Potomac, where Hancock,
Maryland, now stands.' In 1774 he lived on Cross Creek,
West Virginia, about sixteen miles from the Ohio River,
' An old trader.
''" Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. XII, p. 347. " Shippen Papers," p.
163. "American Pioneer," Vol. II, p. 60.
■'Jacobs' "Life of Cresap," 1828, p. 28.
* See " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. XII, p. 281. " Colonial Records,"
Vol. Ill, p. 269. "Votes of Assembly," 1726, Vol. II, p. 481. Smith's
" History of Delaware County," pp. 235, 240. Gordon's " History of
Pennsylvania," p. 194. Hazard's " Pennsylvania Register," Vol. I, p.
114.
^" Colonial Archives," Vol. I, p. 425.
' See also " Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," Vol. V, p. 760.
NOTES TO gist's SECOND JOURNAL, I75I-S2. I4I
where Wellsville is now situated. He was still living in
Shelby County, Kentucky, in 1799.'
December 9.— River Monongahela, said to be from the
Shawnee Mehmonauangehelak. Falling-in-Bank River.'
"The Cavity in a Rock" was probably on the river bank, on
the east side, six miles from Brownsville, up the river, on the
farm now owned by Captain Jacobs ; in the original patent it
is called the Cave Tract, " Menangihilli ; " this word implies
"high banks breaking off in some places and tumbling down."'
The correctness of these definitions is doubtful, the banks of
this river do not " fall in " or " break off " more than those of
the Ohio, Allegheny, and many other streams, nor is it known
that they ever did, and the Indians invariably gave accurate
descriptive names. It may be, however, that the banks at
some point on the river "fell in" on some occasion, to com-
memorate which, the Indians applied the name.*
December 15.— Crossed the Monongahela to the west side,
below the mouth of the Youghiogheny.
December 17.— OppaymoUeah, a Delaware Chief, appeared
at the conference held at Fort Pitt, in April and May,
1768, by George Croghan, Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs,
the Commissioners of Pennsylvania, Alexander McKee,
the Commander, and officers of the garrison, with
the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares,
Wyandots and others residing on the waters of the Ohio.
1 103 Indians were present, besides their women and children.'
' See his Deposition in Appendix to Jefferson's " Notes on Virginia,"
edition of 1801, p. 368.
2 See note to "Washington's Tour to the Ohio," p. 244.
8 John Heckwelder, " American Philosophical Society," Vol. IV, new
series, 1834, p. 376.
< The name Monongahela first appears on the map of William Mayo,
in 1737, and next on the map of Fry and Jefferson, 1751.
5 "Colonial Records," Vol. IX, p. 54, etc.
142 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Joshua was a Delaware also. In December, 1759, he and
Tangoochqua (Wissameek) or Catfish, were sent as messen-
gers from the Delawares on the Ohio, to Philadelphia, with a
message to the Governor and Council of Pennsylvania.' The
Beaver, or Tamaque, was the King or Head Chief of the
Delaware tribe on the waters of the Ohio. He resided at
Soh-kon, (mouth of Beaver Creek), afterwards at Kuskuskis,
near the Forks, and in 1764, at the Forks of Tuscarawas.^
He frequently appeared at conferences held at Fort Pitt, and
also at Philadelphia. He was the brother of Shingiss and
Custaloga. He died about 1770, on the Muskingum, where
the Moravian town of Gnadenhutten was built two years
afterwards, near the present town of New Philadelphia.^
January 8, 1752. — To head of Fish Creek, Marshall County,
West Virginia, and Green County, Pennsylvania.
January 22. — To a point in Wetzel County, West Virginia,
between Little and Big Fishing Creek.
January 27. — To a point over south side of Fishing Creek,
Wetzel County.
February i. — At Middle Island Creek, near Middlebourne,
Tyler County.
February 2. — Three miles south of Middlebourne.
February 10. — On McKun's Fork of Middle Island Creek,
Pleasants County.
February 11. — Hughes River, near Hainesville, Ritchie
County.
February 14. — This stone stood on the creek bottom,
opposite the slip in the hill, on the left hand or Parish Fork
of Standing Stone Creek. Within the past ten years^ oil
having been found there the stone was broken up to make
■ 1 " Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, p. 415. "Archives," Vol. Ill, p.S7S-
2 Journals of C. F. Post, 1758. " Bouquet's Expedition Against the
Ohio Indians," 1765.
* Pennsylvania Historical Society, Vol. 1, pp. i47-iS3-
* 1877.
NOTES TO gist's SECOND JOURNAL, I75I-S2. 143
walls for steam boilers. The inscription cut on it no doubt,
had long previous been effaced by the lapse of time or in-
crusted over by lime. The date cut by Gist, February, 175 1,
was in accordance with the old style of computation, by which
the year began on the 25th of March, instead of the ist of
January, to which it was changed throughout the British
Dominions, by law, in 175 1, the new style to commence on
January i, 1752. Why Gist cut the date 1751 instead of 1752
is not easy to explain, especially as his Journal is kept by the
new method of computing time.
February 15.— Near Wirt, C. H., (Elizabeth,) the creek is
the Little Kanawha.
February 16. — On the head of Lee's Creek, Wirt County.
February 17. — To Poplar Fork of Thirteen-Mile Creek of
the Big Kanawha, after passing through Jackson County.
The Kanawha River derived its name from a tribe of
Indians, who formerly inhabited the country on its waters,
and also on the upper Potomac. These tribes were destroyed
by the Iroquois or Five Nations about the close of the seven-
teenth century, and their remnants incorporated with their
conquerors. At the Treaty of Lancaster, in 1744, the
Iroquois Chief, Tachanoontia, Said : "All the world knows we
conquered the several nations living on Susquehannah,
Cohongownton, (Potomac), and on the back of the great
mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch-rooch (people), the
Coh-no-was-ronaw, feel the effect of our conquests being now
a part of our nations and their lands at our disposal," and,
again, "as to what lies beyond the mountains, we conquered
the nations residing there, and that land, if the Virginians
ever get a good right to it, it must be by us."' Mr. Gallatin
' " Treaty of Lancaster," printed by B. Franklin, at Philadelphia, 1744,
Vol. II, pp. 57-71; also in Colden's "History of the Five Nations," 3d
edition, 1755, Vol. II, pp. 57, 71. " Pennsylvania Colonial Records," Vol.
IV, p. 712. Albert Gallatin's " Synopsis of the Indian Tribes."
144 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
supposes the tribes on the Potomac and Kanawha to be dis-
tinct or different, although their names are near alike.
Evidently they were kindred tribes of the same nation.
John Heckwelder says : " The Conoys are the people we call
Canais, Conoys, Canaways, Kanhawas.^ In Pennsylvania
they were called Canawese."
February i8.— Over the Southern Fork of Big Mill Creek,
thence to the top of the ridge near the Spruce Fork of Thir-
teen-Mile Creek.
February 19.— Probably Big Buffalo Creek, in Putnam
County.
February 20.— Across Little Buffalo Creek to head of
Arbuckle's Creek, thence north, across Thirteen-Mile Creek,
in Mason County.
February 21.— Probably encamped at the mouth of Ten-
Mile Creek.
February 22. — High Hill, the Kanawha Ridge, about eight
miles northeast from Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the
Kanawha River, thence to the river Ohio, at the mouth of
Ten-Mile Creek.
February 23.— Le Tort's Creek, a small stream, empties into
the Ohio, thirty miles above Point Pleasant, so called for
James Le Tort, an early trader with the Indians on the Ohio.
He was a French Huguenot, and lived near Philadelphia in his
childhood; afterwards on the banks of the Susquehanna,
and built a cabin about 1720, at Le Tort's Spring, where
Carlisle, Cumberland County, Pa., now stands.^ He was often
employed as interpreter by the Provincial authorities. Trad-
ing on the Allegheny and Ohio, from 1729 to 1739, he appears
' " Historical Sketch of the Indian Nations," p. 26.
' " Rupp's History of Cumberland County," p. 389. " Hazard's Regis-
ter of Pennsylvania," Vol. IV, p. 389, also Vol. XV, p. 82.
NOTES TO gist's SECOND JOURNAL, I7SI-52. I4S
to have had a trading camp or station at this point, since well
known as Le Tort's Rapids or Falls.'
February 24.— Smith's Creek. Big Mill Creek, in Jackson
County. Probably so named for Robert Smith, the trader,
met by Gist, on the Miami, in the month of March. He had
been trading in the Ohio country for some years previous."
The creek here called Beyansoss is Big Sandy Creek, in Jack-
son County.
February 26.— " Lawwellaconin." Pond Creek, in Wood
County.
March i.— "The little branch full of coal" is probably the
head of the middle fork of Tygart's Creek, in Wood County.
Naumissippia or Fishing Creek, another name for the Little
Kanawha. Naemas, Fish, Sipia River or Creek, in the Dela-
ware tongue.'
March 3. — Molchuconickon or Buffalo Creek, now Middle
Island Creek, in Pleasants and Tyler Counties. The name
Buffalo is yet applied to one of its branches ; the distance is
greater to this stream from the little Kanawha than it is here
given.*
March 4. — Probably reached a point near the present Mid-
dlebourne, Tyler County.
March 5. — Neemokeesy,' now Fishing Creek.
March 7. — To the Ohio River, probably a few miles below
Fish Creek, in Marshall County ; then east and north across
Big Grave Creek to Wheeling Creek, about the junction of
the North and South Forks. Wheeling is from a Delaware
' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. I, pp. 255-301, etc. " Rupp's History
of Lancaster County," p. 512. " Colonial Records," Vol. IV, p. 237.
^ See Gist's first Journal, March ist, 13th.
' See Fry and Jefferson's Map.
* See Gist's statement relative to distances at the end of the Journal.
' Naemas, Fish.
146 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Indian word " Wihe," or " Wie," (a head), ung or unk, (place or
locality), place of a head. A prisoner taken and put to death
by the Indians and his head stuck upon a sharpened pole.'
There was another " Wheeling " on the upper branch of the
Mahoning Creek in Armstrong County, Pennsylvania."
March 9. — The first creek here mentioned is now called
Buffalo Creek. It empties into the Ohio at Wellsburg, in
Brooke County. The second is Cross Creek. Directly op-
posite to it, on what was formerly called "The Indiansideof the
Ohio," is " Indian Cross Creek." These were the two creeks
of the Indians and traders. A noted Indian path led down
along the creek on the west side to the crossing place at its
mouth. There the Indians crossed to the creek on the east
side of the Ohio and took the path along its shore, hence the
name of Cross Creeks. At a later time, these creeks were
by some known as the " Two Upper Creeks," while " Short
Creek," above Wheeling and " Indian Short Creek," opposite,
were called the " Two Lower Creeks." "
March 10. — In Brooke County, West Virginia, and in Wash-
ington County, Pennsylvania.
March 11. — " Crossing Three Creeks," branches of Buffalo
Creek in Washington County ; thence south to the " camp "
of December 21 to January 8, near the heads of Dunkard and
Ten-Mile Creeks, in Greene County, Pennsylvania.
' Pennsylvania Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 131. American Antiquarian
Society, Vol. II, p. 312. Schoolcraft, "American Aboriginal Arcliives,"
Vol. II, p. 470.
* Hutchins' Map.
^Hutchins' large Map, 1778. George Croghan's Journal, 1765, in Ap-
pendix to Butler's "History of Kentucky," second edition. Winter-
botham's " America," Vol. 1, p. 189.
NOTES ON CHRISTOPHER GIST'S THIRD
JOURNAL, 1753.
November 14. Wills Creek empties into the Potomac.
November 15. — Conegocheague, a branch of the Potomac;
signifying, " indeed, a long way."
November 23. — Shannopins Town, now Pittsburgh.
November 24. — King Shingiss, a noted Indian warrior,
" a terror to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania."
November 27 — Half King Scarrooyady, often mentioned
by Croghan, Montour and others. He died at Paxton, Oc-
tober 5, 1754. His friends imputed his death to French witch-
craft. Letter of Governor Morris to Governor Dinwiddle.
December 11. — Fort Le Boeuf.
(147)
A JOURNAL DESCRIPTIVE OF SOME OF THE
FRENCH FORTS.
HAD FROM THOMAS FORBES, LATELY A PRIVATE
SOLDIER IN THE KING OF FRANCE'S SERVICE.'
January, 1755.
About a Year and a half ago I with 120 private Soldiers
and our officers embarked in old France for Canada.
Our Vessel! was a Frigate of forty Guns and another Frigate
of 30 Guns sailed at the same time with a company of Soldiers
to relieve the Garrison at the Mouth of the Mississippi. After
a short Voyage we disembarked at Quebeck, where we were
permitted to stay three weeks to refresh ourselves.
The regular Troops in that City did not exceed 300, but I
was told that there were many Parties and Detachments
quartered up and down the Country all round that Place.
Being joined by a Company of 50 Men from that Garrison
we went in Batteaus to Montreal under the Command of
Lieut. Carqueville and there we spent the last Winter.
At our arrival there was a Company of 50 men in the City
where we were quartered, so that in all we made 220 exclusive
of Officers. Very early in the Spring we were joined by near
400 more who were drafted out of the several Companies that
Garrisoned the Forts and were posted on the Frontiers of
Canada. Easter Tuesday we embarked to the number of six
or 700 in about 3CX) Batteaus or Canoes (not Barken) and took
with us a large quantity of Barreled Pork and Meal in Baggs ;
the Bags weighed sixty or 70 lb each, and I believe there
' MSS. "America and West Indies." P. R. O.
(148)
A DESCRIPTIVE JOURNAL OF FRENCH FORTS. I49
might have been 1500 of them, how many of the Pork there
were I never heard nor could I guess, but I believe the Canoes
that were not laden with Flour carried five or six Barrels at
least, each of them, and the Batteaus received 17 or 20. We
were three weeks going from Montreal to Lake Ontario keep-
ing the shore close on board because of the rapidity of the
Stream, and at Night we went ashore, excepting a few that were
left with the canoes, that were fastened to stakes or trees on
the shore.
Then we had our Biscuit, which was laid in for the Voyage,
delivered to us, with i lb of Pork to each, and kindling large
fires we cooked our Provisions for next day and slept around
the Fires, each of us being provided with a blanket. We kept
along the southeast shore of Ontario Lake, and passed so near
to the English Fort called Conquen or Oswego that we could
talk to the Centinels.
When we came to the Fort at the Falls of Niagara, we
landed all our Provisions in which service the Garrison at the
Fort assisted and carried them on sleds that were there at the
fort, to a little Log House (called le petit Fort de Niagara)
three Leagues beyond Niagara Fort, where we put them aboard
other Batteaus and Canoes that were there ready to receive
them. At our arrival at Niagara there were at that Fort
25 private men, commanded by Lieut, de la Perrie, but
Monsieur Contrecoeur was also then in the Fort, and had
the Chief command, there was also a Sergeant's Guard at the
little Fort. The Fort at Niagara is no more than an Emmen-
ence surrounded with Stockadoes or Palisades, which stand
about fourteen feet above the ground very close together,
and are united or fastened together by three pieces of long
scantling that is put transversly on the inside at the distance
of three feet or so from each other. TheSe Stockadoes
enclose an Area near 300 paces square on which is built a
150 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
House for the Commandant, Barracks for the Men and a
Smith's Shop, it is not rendered defensible by any out work
or even a Ditch and there are not mounted in it more than
four Swivel Guns. As soon as we had put our Provisions on
board at the little Fort that I mentioned,' we proceeded to
Lake Erie with Captain Contracoeur, who had himself now
taken the Command of all the Troops in those Canoes. We
kept along the Eastern Coast of this Lake to Fort Presqu' isle
which I apprehend is about 50 Leagues from Niagara.
This Fort is situated on a little rising Ground at a very
small Distance from the water of Lake Erie, it is rather
larger than that at Niagara but has likewise no Bastions or
Out Works of any sort. It is a square Area inclosed with
Logs about 12 feet high, the Logs being square and laid on
each other and not more than sixteen or eighteen inches
thick. Captain Darpontine Commandant in this Fort and his
Garison was 30 private Men. We were eight days employed
in unloading our Canoes here, and carrying the Provisions to
Fort Boeuff which is built about six Leagues from Fort
Presqu' isle at the Head of Buffaloe River. This Fort was
composed of four Houses built by way of Bastions and the
intermediate Space stockaded. Lieut St Blein was posted
here with 20 Men. Here we found three large Batteaus and
between two or 300 Canoes which we freighted with Provisions
and proceeded down the Buffaloe river which flows into the
Ohio' at about twenty Leagues (as |I conceived) distance
from Fort au Boeuff, this river was small and at some places
very shallow so that we towed the Canoes sometimes wading
and sometimes taking ropes to the shore a great part of the
way. When we came into the Ohio we had a fine deep water
and a stream in our favour so that we rowed down that river
from the mouth of the Buffaloe to Du Quesne Fort on
' Allegheny.
A DESCRIPTIVE JOURNAL OF FRENCH FORTS. I5I
Monongehela which I take to be 70 Leagues distant in four
days and a half.
At our arrival at Fort Du Quesne we found the Garison
busily employed in compleating that Fort and Stockadoing it
round at some distance for the security of the Soldiers Bar-
racks (against any Surprise) which are built between the
Stockadoes and the Glacis of the Fort.
Fort Du Quesne is built of square Logs transversly placed
as is frequent in Mill Dams, and the Interstices filled up with
Earth ; the length of these Logs is about sixteen Feet which
is the thickness of the Rampart. There is a Parapat raised
on the Rampart of Logs, and the length of the Curtains is
about 30 feet, and the Demigorge of the Bastions about
eighty. The Fort is surrounded on the two sides that do not
front the Water with a Ditch about 12 feet wide and very
deep, because there being no covert way the Musqutteers
fire from thence having a Glacis before them. When the
News of Ensign Jumonville's Defeat reached us our com-
pany consisted of about 1400. Seven hundred of whom were
ordered out under the command of Captain Mercier to attack
Mr. Washington, after our return from the Meadows, a great
number of the Soldiers who had been labouring at the Fort all
the Spring were sent off in Divisions to the several Forts
between that and Canada, and some of those that came down
last were sent away to build a Fort some where on the Head
of the Ohio, so that in October the Garison at Du Quesne
was reduced to 4CX3 Men, who had Provisions enough at the
Fort to last them two years, notwithstanding a good deal of the
Flour we brought down in the Spring proved to be damaged,
and some of it spoiled by the rains that fell at that Time.
In October last I had an opportunity of relieving myself and
retiring, there were not then any Indians with the French
but a considerable number v/ere expected and said to be on
their March thither.
Si
THE MONTOURS.
About the year 1667 a French gentleman named Montour
settled in Canada. By a Huron Indian woman he had three
children — one son and two daughters. The son, Montour,
lived with the Indians, and was wounded in the French ser-
vice, in a fight with some Mohawks, near Fort La Motte,^ on
Lake Champlain, in 1694. He deserted from the French, and
lived with "the farr Indians" — the Twightwees (Mianiis) and
Diondadies (Petuns or Wyandots). By his assistance Lord
Cornbury prevailed on some of these tribes to visit and trade
with the people of Albany in 1708. For his endeavors to
alienate the " upper nations " from the French, he was killed
in 1709 by the troops under Lieutenant le Sieur de Joncaire,
by orders of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada,
who wrote that he would have had him hanged, had it been
possible to capture him alive.
Of the two daughters of the Frenchman, Montour, one
became conspicuously known as Madame Montour.* She was
born in Canada about the year 1684, captured by some war-
riors of the Five Nations when she was but ten years old,
taken to their country and brought up by them. It is prob-
able that she lived with the Oneidas, as, on arriving at matur-
ity, she was married to Carondawana, or the " Big Tree,"
otherwise Robert Hunter, a famous war-chief of that nation.
' " New York Colonial History:" Fort St. Anne, or La Motte, erected
1666, on the upper part of Lake Champlain.
2 " Massachusetts Historical Collection." " New York Historical Col-
lection."
(152)
THE MONTOURS. IS3
He was killed in the wars between the Iroquois and Catawbas,
in the Carolinas, about the year 1729.'
The Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, John and Thomas Penn,
expressed much concern for his death to some of the Indians
who visited Philadelphia in September, 1734. Madame Mon-
tour was there also, and, for having underrated the rank or
station of the Oneida visitors, she seems to have been angrily
and unjustly charged by a prominent chief of the Six Nations,
Hetanguantagetchy, before the Council at Philadelphia, in the
month of October following, with spreading false reports. He
said, further, that her "old age only protected her from pun-
ishment," and that they " must resent it and hope to get rid
of her."
Madame Montour first appeared as interpreter at a confer-
ence held at Albany, in August, 171 1, between the sachems
of the Five Nations and Robert Hunter, the royal Governor
of New York (from 1709 to 1719). Probably at that time
Carondawana received, or took, the Governor's name, by
which he was frequently known afterward. To adopt the
name of a prominent white man was, by the Indians, consid-
ered a high compliment and a bond of friendship.
The war between the Tuscaroras and the people of North
Carolina, commenced in September, 171 1, was still raging in
the summer of the following year. The Five Nations in New
York became restless and uneasy ; it was feared by the Gov-
ernor and Assembly that, instigated by the French, the
Northern Iroquois would join the Southern, and embroil the
colonies in a general Indian war."
The Five Nations informed the Governor that they desired
"to interpose amicably in the matter." Distrusting their
sincerity, and to " dissuade them from this fatal design," by
' Marshe's Journal.
' " New York Colonial History."
II
154 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
means of "presents and promises," the Assembly and Gover-
nor, in June, 1712, directed Colonel Peter Schuyler to "pro-
ceed to the Onondaga Country forthwith, taking with you
Laurence Clause the Interpreter, Mrs. Montour and her hus-
band and such others as you shall see fit."
At Onondaga he was to assemble all of the Indian sachems
who could be got together for a conference on the subject of
his mission. Any fresh " Surmises or Jealousies of the In-
dians" were to be overcome by his "own wisdom, with due
regard to her Majesty's interest and honour and ye quieting ye
minds of ye Indians."
The complete subjugation of the Tuscaroras, after a pro-
tracted struggle of two years' duration, removed all apprehen-
sion of trouble with the Five Nations. In the year 1714 the
Tuscaroras migrated north, and were received into the Iro-
quois Confederacy as the Sixth Nation.'
The influence of Madame Montour among the Indians was
so great, and adverse to the French, that the Governor of
Canada repeatedly endeavored to persuade her to withdraw
from the English and remove to his Dominion, offering higher
compensation as an inducement, but without success until
the year 1719, when he sent her sister to prevail on her to
remove to Canada. Apprehensive of her doing so, to the
injury of the province to which she had been so serviceable,
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs sent for her to Albany,
when it appeared that she had not received a farthing of her
stipulated pay for twelve months. The Commissioners prom-
ised that she should receive thereafter "a man's pay from the
proper officer of the four Independent Companies posted in
the Province,"' and the business was thus satisfactorily
settled.
1 Dr. Hank's " History of North Carolina."
'' MS., Secretary of State's office, New York.
THE MONTOURS. IJS
Madame Montour was present at Philadelphia in July, 1727,
as interpreter, at a conference held by Governor Gordon with
several chiefs of the Five Nations. Again, in October, 1728 ;
her husband, Carondawana, otherwise Robert Hunter, was
there also. She retained her father's name after marriage,
and was usually mentioned as "Mrs. Montour, a French
woman, wife to Carondawana, or Robert Hunter." She ap-
pears to have lived among the Miamis, at the west end of
Lake Erie, at one time prior to 1728.' To one of that nation
her sister was married. Her residence in 1734 was at the vil-
lage on the Susquehanna, at the mouth of the Loyalsock
Creek, on the West side, where Montoursville, Lycoming
County, Pennsylvania, now stands. It was known as Otstu-
ago,* Ots-on-wacken, or French Town.
On Evans' Map of Pennsylvania, of 1749, the village is
marked "French T.," and the creek, the "Ostuega." There,
in March, 1737, Conrad Weiser, Indian agent and interpreter,
on his way to Onondaga with a message from the President
of the Council of Pennsylvania, James Logan, lodged at
Madame Montour's, who, he states, is a " French woman by
birth, of a good family, but now in mode of life a complete
Indian." She treated Weiser and his companions kindly,
supplying them with food, although she had but little to
spare.
In the fall of 1742 Count Zinzendorf, the Bishop and head
of the Moravian Church, with a large party, and among them
Conrad Weiser, visited the village of Oztenwacken, where he
was received with military salutes and hospitably welcomed
by Madame Montour and her son, Andrew. " He preached
there in French to large gatherings." Madame Montour was
deeply affected when she saw Zinzendorf and learned the
' " Colonial Records."
'' Otsteara, " Rock,'" in the Iroquois tongue.
'4
156 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
object of his visit. She had entirely forgotten the truths of
the Gospel, and, in common with the French Indians, believed
the story originated with the Jesuits, that the Saviour's birth-
place was in France, and His crucifiers Englishmen. Count
Zinzendorf appears to have visited Oztenwacken subse-
quently.
In June and July, 1744, the great treaty between the Six
Nations and the provinces of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir-
ginia was held at Lancaster. Madame Montour was present
with two of her daughters. Witham Marshe, Secretary to the
Maryland Commissioners, relates in his journal that he visited
her at her cabin and obtained the particulars of her life. She
told him that she had several children by the famous war
captain, who had been killed in the war with the Catawbas
fifteen years previous, that since she had not married.' Marshe
describes her as genteel, of polite address, and had been
handsome. Her two sons-in-law and only son were away
south, to war against the Catawbas. In June, 1745, Spangen-
burgh, Zeisberger, and other missionaries of the Moravians,
accompanied by Conrad Weiser on their way to Onondaga,
stopped for a few days at Shamokin (now Sunbury), on the
Susquehanna. They visited Madame Montour, who was
living on the island with one of her daughters.^ She appears
to have left Oztenwacken permanently, as there is no evi-
dence of her residing there afterwards. Zeisberger found
that village deserted and in ruins in 1748. The smallpox had
desolated the valley. There is no further direct account of
Madame Montour. It seems, however, that she was not living
in 1754. Some time prior to that year she became blind, but
was sufficiently vigorous to ride on horseback from Logstown,
on the Ohio, to Venango in two days, a distance by the path
' Massachusetts Historical Society.
' Moravian Historiral Society.
THE MONTOURS. 157
of over sixty miles, her son Andrew on foot, leading her horse
all the way. Of her children but three can be identified with
any certainty ; one of the two daughters who were with her
at the treaty of Lancaster in 1744, and two sons, Andrew,
alias Henry, and Louis. Her daughter, known as " French
Margaret," was wife to Keterioncha, alias Peter Quebec, and
living near Shamokin when Shikillimy lived there in 1733,
probably on the island where Zeisberger and Spangenburgh
visited her and her mother in 1745, as before related. Another
of her daughters is mentioned as a sister of Andrew Montour's,
and one of the converts at the Moravian Mission, at New
Salem, Ohio, April 14, 1791, and that she was a living polyglot
of the tongues of the West, speaking English, French and
six Indian languages. She must have been at least seventy
years of age at that time.
Madame Montour evidently was older than she told Marshe,
at Lancaster in 1744, as she was at Albany in 171 1 as Mrs.
Montour — her old age referred to in 1734 as her protection —
and blind before 1754.' "It is probable that she was captured
prior to 1696, after which year the raids of the Iroquois into
Canada ceased for some time. That she was very young
when captured, is clear. She could not have been less than
sixty years old at the time of the treaty of Lancaster in 1744,
and probably was older, and if but ten years of age when
taken, as she said, the year of her captivity was 1694, and of
her birth 1684. Of the many errors respecting this noted
woman, the most prominent are, first, the frequently repeated
statement that she was the daughter of a former governor of
Canada." " This story originated with herself, or it may have
been told by her savage captors to enhance the value of their
prize. There never was a governor of Canada named Mon-
' Dussieux, Canada.
' Marshe's Journal.
I 58 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
tour, and the letter of Lord Cornbury, of August 20, 1708,
before cited, is conclusive as to her origin, taken, of course,
in connection with her own statement to Secretary Marshe.
Second, that she was living at the time of the American
Revolution, and also confounding her with her granddaughter,
Catherine of Catherine's Town, near the head of Seneca
Lake, New York, destroyed by the army under General
Sullivan in 1779. She is not mentioned in any work of
original authority, as Catherine, but invariably as Mrs. or
"Madame Montour." Highly colored accounts have been
given respecting her association with the ladies of Phila-
delphia, who evidently, owing to her intelligence and previous
history, treated her with considerate kindness and nothing
more. From the authorities of the province she received
such presents and compensation for services as were usually
given to prominent Indian visitors. Those who knew her
best, related that she was habited and lived like the Indians.'
Her French blood doubtless imparted a vivacity of manner
to her, the like of which is observed at this day among the
people of mixed French and Indian ancestry in Canada and
along our northern frontier.
' Colonial Records.
ANDREW MONTOUR.
Andrew Montour, eldest son of Madame Montour, first
appears as captain of a party of Iroquois warriors marching
against the Catawbas of Carolina in 1744. He fell sick on
his way to James River and was obliged to return toShamokin.'
In May, 1745, he accompanied Weiser and the Chief Shich-
illany to Onondaga with a message and instructions from the
Governor of Pennsylvania, to induce the Six Nations to send
deputies to a Peace Conference with the Catawbas at Wil-
liamsburgh, Virginia ; also to urge them to compel the Shaw-
nese, with Peter Chart ier at their head, to make restitution
for the robbery of Pennsylvania traders, incited thereto by
the French.' In June, 1748, he was introduced by Weiser to
the President and Council of the Province at Philadelphia,
and highly commended as "faithful and prudent;" "lives
amongst the Six Nations between the branches of the Ohio
and Lake Erie." *
In July, following, he was interpreter at a Treaty at Lan-
caster, between the Provincial Authorities and the Six Nations,
Shawnese, Miamis, etc.* In August, 1748, he accompanied
Weiser on his mission to Logstown. In May, 1750, arrived at
George Croghan's House at Pennsboro, Cumberland County,
from Allegheny, and joins in the Conference held on the 17th
with some Six Nation and Conestoga Chiefs.
' Marshe's Journal, Vol VII. Letter of C. Weiser to James Logan.
'' Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 778.
' Colonial Records, V^ol. V, p. 290.
* Colonial Records, Vol. V, p. 307., id., p. 349.
(«S9)
l60 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Governor Hamilton recommended him to the Assembly as
a discreet person of influence with the Indians in keeping the
French from alienating them from the British and deserving
of recompense, to which the Assembly assented. He re-
ceived £(j2 1 5 J. On September 20, a message to the Governor
from the Miamis and Hurons was delivered to Secretary
Peters by Andrew Montour. The Assembly having voted a
present of ;^ioo to be given to the Twigtwees (Miami) Indians,
the Governor directed Croghan and Montour to hasten to
Ohio with it, which he called a small present ; but they were
both sick and therefore detained. Before they were able to
start on their journey news came of active French movements
and of their capturing two English traders, Turner and Kil-
gore, in the Ohio country, and also of the death of Con-
estoga, the great Chief of the Six Nations, an Onondaga and
firm friend of the English, while his successor was strong in
the French interest and a Roman Catholic. Therefore, the
Governor gave orders to Croghan and Montour to stay until
he should learn the resolution of the Assembly, to whom he
communicated the alarming information. That body re-
sponded by voting ;^ioo as a present of condolence to the Six
Nations on the death of Conestoga, ;^ioo more to be given
to the Miamis, and ;^500 "to the natives at Ohio" in suitable
goods and to be sent as soon as possible.
Croghan and Montour set out on their journey, arriving at
Logstown on the Ohio on November 15. Of course, they
took no goods for the present ; they were yet to be purchased
and the Indians to be notified to assemble to receive them.
Not later than March Croghan arrived and wrote that the
French, under Jean Coeur, had five canoe loads of goods up
the Allegheny, and was, the Indians said, very generous in
making presents to all the chiefs he met with. At Logstown
they found thirty warriors of the Six Nations on their way to
ANDREW MONTOUR. l6l
war with the Catawbas. But few of the chiefs of the Indians
were seen, being absent hunting. He further wrote to the
Governor that " Montour takes a great deal of pains to pro-
mote the English interest among the Indians, and has great
sway among all those nations." The Indian goods were pur-
chased ; the transportation to the Ohio cost ;^230 — very
costly — but it could not be done for less, as the Governor in-
formed the Assembly. Pack-horses then, and for near half a
century afterward, were the only means of transportation.
Croghan and Montour proceeded on to the Muskingum
River, where, at a large Wyandot town (near the site of the
present Coshocton, Ohio) Croghan had a trading house. Here
they remained some weeks and were joined by Christopher
Gist, the agent of the Ohio Company of Virginia. Croghan
and Montour held frequent councils with the Indians, deliver-
ing the message from the Governor of Pennsylvania promising
the presents to be delivered in the Spring at Logstown. They
proceeded to the Shawnee towns at the mouth of the Scioto,
and also on the south, or Kentucky, side of the Ohio, where,
at a Council with the Shawnese, Croghan delivered speeches
from the Governor of Pennsylvania to the chiefs of the nation
and informed them that the escaped traders who had been in
prisons of the French, brought news that the French had of-
fered a large reward for Montour and himself if alive, or for
their scalps if dead. Montour also informed them, as he had
done the Wyandots and Delawares , that the King of Great
Britain had sent them a large present of goods.'
Montour was called by the French, a French Canadian de-
serter. Croghan, Montour, Gist and Robert Callender then
proceeded to Pickawillamy, chief town of the Miamis.' It was
situated on the Big Miami. Among other proceedings, Cro-
' " Conduct of the Ministry."
^ " Conduct of the Ministry."
l62 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
ghan presented them with a gift of the value of i'loo. Mon-
tour delivered them a message from the Wyandots and Dela-
wares. On March 3 Gist left them for the lower Shawnee
Town, while they took the path to Hockhocking.
While at the Miami Town, articles for a treaty of peace and
alliance were entered into between the English and Miamis,
drawn up by Gist, signed, sealed and delivered on both sides.'
Conrad Weiser was selected to deliver the goods at Logs-
town, but declined, and, highly recommending Croghan and
Montour as every way qualified, the Governor appointed them
to transact the business. The goods were valued at ;£'7oo.
When Croghan reported the matter of the treaty of peace
and alliance made with the Miamis, he said it was done at the
request of the Indians, he consenting rather than discharge
them at so critical a time. The Governor reproved him for
acting in public matters without authority, but received it and
ordered its entry on the Books of Minutes.
On May 18, 1751, Montour and Croghan arrived at Logs-
town with the promised presents for the Indians, of whom a
great number were assembled— Six Nations, Delawares and
Shawanese. They welcomed the messengers by firing guns
and raising the English colors. Two days afterward Jean
Coeur, with one other Frenchman and forty Six Nation war-
riors, arrived from the head of the Ohio. Jean Coeur held a
council with all the Indians in the town on the following day,
and urged them to turn away all the English traders from
their country, otherwise they would be visited with the dis-
pleasure of the Governor of Canada.^ To which a Six Nation
chief directly replied, emphatically refusing the proposition of
the French. On the 27th Croghan and Montour held a con-
ference with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and agreed upon
' " Colonial Records."
^ " Virginia State Papers," p. 245.
ANDREW MONTOUR. I63
the speeches to make the day following to the Delawares,
Miamis, Wyandots and Shawanese, when the promised pres-
ents were to be delivered. Accordingly, on the 28th, the
treaty was held; George Croghan delivered the speeches;
Andrew Montour acted as interpreter for Pennsylvania. Some
ten traders were present. The Beaver, of the Delawares, and
chiefs of other tribes responded, among other things saying
they hoped "our brother would build a strong-house on the
River Ohio," that, in case of war, a place of security might be
ready.
Croghan and Montour left on the 30th. On his arrival at
Pennsboro, Croghan wrote to the Governor, sending a copy of
the treaty, with an account of the proceedings. All, he said,
had been conducted to the great satisfaction of the Indians.
Mr. Montour, he wrote, had exerted himself very much on this
occasion. " He is very capable of doing business, and is
looked upon by all the Indians as one of their chiefs." He
adds that, as Andrew has devoted all his time to the business,
he hopes the Governor will recommend him to the Assembly
for proper recompense, and that " Mr. Montour is now at my
house and will wait on you when a time is appointed."
In communicating the account of the proceedings of Cro-
ghan and Montour to the Assembly, the Governor said Mr.
Montour was in town by his orders, to receive a recompense
for his services, and that he must do him the justice to say
that it appears he has well performed the business entrusted
to him, and hopes the Assembly will pay him to his satisfac-
tion. Montour was paid ;^8o in full for his services.
Montour, being very desirous of living "over the Blue
Hills," had often applied to the Governor for permission,
which was given after a good deal of consideration and con-
sultation with Mr. Weiser and Mr. Peters.' It was thought
' " Colonial Records."
164 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
proper, as numbers had lately gone to settle there, and others
were daily crowding into those parts, that Andrew Montour
should be furnished with a commission under the Lesser Seal
to go and reside there, in order to prevent others from settling
or from dealing with the Indians for their consent to settle.
Montour was granted a commission under the Lesser Seal to
go and reside over the Kittochtinny Hills, at such place as he
might judge most central and convenient. His duty was to
warn all settlers off and report them to the Governor. The
place fixed upon by Montour was at the mouth of the stream
called Montour's Run, in the present Perry County. On the
same day that Montour received his commission he waited on
the Governor, and requested permission to interpret for the
Governor of Virginia at the ensuing treaty, to be held at
Logstown, on the Ohio. The leave was granted, together
with a kind message from the Governor, to be delivered to the
Indians at Ohio.
In May following, the Commissioners of Virginia — Joshua
Fry, L. Lomax and James Pattin — held a treaty with the
Indians at Logstown. Christopher Gist, George Croghan
and Andrew Montour were present, the latter as interpreter.
The object of the treaty was to obtain from the Indians, if
possible, a confirmation of the treaty of Lancaster of 1744, by
which, the Virginians claimed, the Indians had ceded to the
King of Great Britain the right to all the lands in the colony
of Virginia.*
The Indians afterwards hearing the construction put upon
this deed, disowned it, and it was the object of the Confer-
ence at Logstown to have the treaty explained and their
objections removed. In a private Conference held on the
9th of June, with the Half King and the other chiefs, they
acknowledged themselves satisfied. For Montour's services
' " Plain Facts," pp. 38-42.
ANDREW MONTOUR. 16$
in this transaction, the Ohio company, at a meeting at Alex-
andria, September, 1752, resolved "to allow him thirty pistoles
for his trouble at Logstown, in May last, on account of the
company, and that if he will remove to Virginia and settle
on the company's lands, and use his interest with the Indians
to encourage and forward our settlements, that the company
will make him a present of one thousand acres of land to live
on, and will make him a legal title for the same." '
In 1753, the Six Nations of Ohio chose him as one of their
counsellors, and observed all the ceremonious forms usual on
admitting members of council. He visited Onondaga early
this year, 1753, by request of the Governor of Virginia, to
invite the Six Nations to send a deputation to a treaty to be
held at Winchester. He returned, and being in Philadelphia,
informed Secretary Peters that the Six Nations were averse
to either the French or English settling or building forts at
Ohio, and wished them to quit their country. He said he
was going a second time to Onondaga by request of the Gov-
ernor of Virginia and Mr. Peters. In August, 1753, Montour
was with Captain William Trent, at the forks of the Ohio,
when Captain Trent viewed the ground, selecting the spot
on which to build the fort. "Captain Trent and French
Andrew, the heads of the Five Nations, the Picts, the Shaw-
anese, the Owendats, and the Delawares, for Virginia," writes
John Frazer, Indian trader, then residing at Turtle Creek,
near the ground to become so famous two years later as "Brad-
dock's Fields." In September a treaty was held at Win-
chester, Virginia, between Col. Fairfax and Chiefs of the Six
Nations. Lord Thomas Fairfax was present the first day,
when the Indians, over eighty in number, were received with
considerable ceremony. Col. Gist, William Trent and George
Croghan were present. Andrew Montour was interpreter,
' "Colonial Records."
l66 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
and also efficient in arranging the business.' The Indians, by
the Half King, Scarrooyady, declaring that they took back the
consent they had given at Logstown, in May, to any settle-
ment of their country, but they desired a strong house to
store goods in. The Virginia authorities promised the Indians
to supply them with ammunition to defend themselves against
the French. George Croghan, William Trent and Andrew
Montour were appointed to distribute it at the Ohio. After
the close of the Conference at Winchester, the Indians took
their way to Carlisle, where they met the Commissioners of
Pennsylvania, Mr. Peters, Isaac Morris and Benjamin Frank-
lin, and held a conference with them, having been encouraged
to make the visit by the frequent solicitations of Andrew Mon-
tour.* The Conference at Carlisle lasted four days, with the
usual ceremonies ; the Indians repeated their determination
given at Winchester, respecting keeping settlements from ex-
tending west of the mountains, and as to the strong house
which the Governor of Virginia intends to build on the Ohio,
they thought that intention occasioned the Governor of
Canada to invade their country, but as soon as they knew his
intention, " as he speaks with two tongues, they (the Indians)
well know what to do;" evidently they were unsettled in
their minds respecting the "strong house," but as to settle-
ments west of the Allegheny hills, there could be no doubt
they were decidedly opposed to it. Towards the close of the
Conference Scarrooyady, the Oneida chief, said it was with a
great deal of pleasure he informed them "that you may
believe that what Andrew Montour says to be true between
the Six Nations and you, they have made him one of their
counsellors and a great man among them and love him dearly."
Scarrooyady gave a large belt to Andrew Montour, and the
> "Plain Facts."(
^ Report of Commission.
ANDREW MONTOUR. I67
Commissioners agreed to it. In January, Montour was at
Shannopin's Town and Logstown with Croghan and James
Pattin, where, between the drunkenness of the Indians and
the presence of a detachment of French soldiers, with whom
they had high words, their situation was dangerous. In
February, Montour was at Philadelphia and underwent a close
examination by the Governor and Committee of Assembly
relative to the location of Shannopin, Logstown and Venango.
1754. — George Washington, having sent for Montour to
meet him at Ohio, the latter wrote to Secretary Peters, from
his residence on Sherman's Creek, on the i6th of May, 1754,
urging the immediate necessity of Pennsylvania sending men
and arms to join the Indian Allies, to resist the impending
French invasion. Ward had surrendered the little fort at
the Forks of the Ohio, on the 17th of April, to Contrecceur.
Croghan and Montour proceeded to the Monongahela, and
there on the 9th of June found Washington ; and Montour
was with him at his surrender of Fort Necessity, July 3,
1754. He had a company under Washington, of both Whites
and Indians. On the 21st of July, Montour wrote to the
Governor of Pennsylvania, from Winchester, saying that the
Half King and Monakatootha, with a body of Six Nations,*
had gone to Aucquick to settle, where the other Indians, as
fast as they can get off from the French, are to join them ;
and as there is a large body of them and no ground there to
hunt to support their families, they expect the Governor to
provide for their families, as their men will be engaged in the
war. On August 31st he met Weiser at Harris' Ferry, on
his way to a great meeting at Aucquick.
1755. — During the campaign of Braddock, that General
wrote, on May 20, to Governor Morris, that he had engaged
between forty and fifty Indians from the frontier of the pro-
' " Colonial Records."
l68 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
vince, to go over the mountains, and would take Croghan and
Montour into service.' Montour was at Philadelphia on the 8th
of August, acting as interpreter with Weiser and a few Indians,
who had been in the fatal defeat of Braddock. Scarroyady
commented, with great severity, on the pride and ignorance
of the great English General. On the French and Indian
invasion of the settlements, in 1755, after Braddock's defeat,
Montour was active and zealous in gaining intelligence of
their movements!
He was at Shannopin, with Scarroyady, in October, and
warned John Harris of his great danger; "there were forty
Indians out many days, and intended to burn my house,
and destroy myself and family." At Shamokin,'' "painted as
the rest " of the Indians, he warned the inhabitants, that an
attack might very soon be expected. He had been at the
Big Island, with Manoquetotha, at the request of the Dela-
wares.
1756. — Andrew Montour, with Scarroyady, one of the chiefs
of the Oneida Nation, was sent on a mission, to the Six
Nations, by Governor Morris. They passed up the Susque-
hanna, to Onondaga ; on their way, while among the hostile
Delawares, their lives were in great danger. Montour and
Scarroyady met the Provincial Council, in their chamber in
Philadelphia, on March 27th, when they made full report of
their mission to the Six Nations. They had been present at
Fort Johnston, at a conference held with the Six Nation
chiefs, and Sir William Johnston, February, 1756. The chiefs
expressed great resentment at the conduct of the Delawares,
etc. The Council decided to offer rewards for Indian scalps.
The Provincial Assembly highly commended the conduct of
Montour and Scarroyady.
' " Colonial Records."
* Shamokin is at the Forks of the Susquehanna, on the east side.
ANDREW MONTOUR. I69
On the 19th to the 2ist of April a conference was held at
Philadelphia, at the house of Israel Pemberton, between the
Quakers of Philadelphia and the heads of the Six Nations.
Weiser and Montour were interpreters. On the 20th the
Indians had a long conference with the Governor. "They
put Andrew Montour's children under his care ; as well the
three that are here, to be independent of the mother, as a boy
of twelve years old, that he had by a former wife, a Delaware,
a grand-daughter of Allompis." They added that he had a
girl among the Delawares called Kayodaghscroony, or Made-
lina, and desired she might be distinguished, enquired after,
and sent for, which was promised. John Montour's name
(one of Andrew's children, in the care of the Province) appears
in the " Items of Accounts, votes of Assembly," 1758, p. 75 ;
this boy was the same, afterwards living on, and claiming the
Island, near Pittsburgh, now Neville ; possibly the same who
died in 1830.
On May loth, Montour was interpreter, at a meeting at
Fort Johnston, between Scarroyady and other Oneida chiefs,
and Sir Wm. Johnston. In June, he was at the camp on
Lake Onondaga, as interpreter.
On the 2Sth of July Sir William Johnston held a confer-
ence, at Fort Johnston, with the chiefs of the Six Nations,
Shawnese, Delawares, Mohickons, etc. After the usual cere-
monies, he told them, that as Lord Loudon, the new
Commander-in-Chief, had not arrived, he would have some
Six Nation warriors go to Canada, to try whether the edge
of the hatchet he sharpened at Onondaga would cut. Some
chiefs sang the war song. Montour was appointed the captain
of a party of Indians. He rose up and sang his war song.
Some warriors joined his party, and the war dance was
danced." Some of these warriors, forty-eight in number,
' " New York Colonial History."
170 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
indulging too freely in rum, squandered all of their outfit.
Scarroyady and Montour came to the council room, at Fort
Johnston, on the 14th of August, and Sir William Johnston,
for the second time, fitted them out with arms and clothes,
in place of those they had sold to some River Indians and
Tuscarawas. News having arrived of the capture of Oswego,
by Montcalm's army. Sir Wm. Johnston spoke to the two
war parties, and desired them to march to General Webb's
rendezvous, at the Oneida carrying place. August 26th that
General, however, beat a rapid retreat to the Flats. On the
lOth of September, Montour appears as interpreter at Fort
Johnston. On the 20th of September Sir Wm. Johnston,
with all the Indians he could gather, with Croghan and Mon-
tour, marched to the relief of the army besieged at Fort Ed-
ward. He was ordered back by General Webb, and reached
Fort Johnston on the 2d of November.
1757. — At Fort Johnston, on the 12th of September,
Andrew Montour appears as interpreter at a meeting of Sir
William Johnston, a few Mohican and Seneca chiefs and four
Cherokee Indians.' "Sir William lighted the Calumet of
Peace, and after smoking a whiff, passed it to the Cherokee
Deputies, holding it to them while each drew a whiff," and
then Mr. Montour, "handed it round to every Indian present."
After delivering belts and long speeches, etc., at several
meetings, they left on the 20th. In November Croghan and
Montour were despatched to the German Flats, by Sir Wm.
Johnston, to call upon the Oneidas there, to explain why they
had not given warning of the raid and massacre, shortly be-
fore committed by the French and their Indian allies, on the
German inhabitants. They met the Oneida Sachems, at
Fort Harkimer, on the 30th November; they held a confer-
ence with some Germans and returned as reported.^
1 "New York Colonial History," Vol. VII.
•' "Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, 1758.
ANDREW MONTOUR. I7I
In October, at Easton, was held a great conference between
Governor Denny, the Provincial Council, Committee from
the Assembly, and Indians of the Six Nations. Croghan as
Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, Weiser as Provincial In-
terpreter, Montour as Interpreter for the Six Nations and
Delawares. October 21, Montour, Croghan and others signed,
as witnesses, the Deed of Confirmation for Lands. The
treaty closed on the 25th ; it was very important, as General
Forbes was then moving near to Fort Du Quesne, and a great
object was to soothe the Indians, by presents, and to settle
the complaints of the Delawares, respecting their lands.
Immediately after the close of the last Treaty at Easton,
Montour and Croghan left for the Ohio, where, at Saukon, the
Indian village at the mouth of the Beaver, on the 29th of
November, they met Christian Fred. Post, who had just come
down the creek from Kuskuskis.' At Saukon they met and
conferred with King Beaver, his brother, Shingiss, and the
chiefs and warriors, respecting General Forbes' message to
them; that General, with the army, was now at Fort Du-
Quesne, having captured it on the 24th.
On December 3d they reached Logstown, and on the 3d
the island, since known as Killbuck or Smoky Island, opposite
Pittsburgh, where they encamped. On the 4th they got over
late, there was snow, and the river running with ice. Croghan,
Montour, and Col. John Armstrong held conference with Col.
Bouquet, the Indians, etc'
On the 5th, Post seems to have had an altercation with
Croghan and Montour, relative to the Indians' talk. On Feb-
ruary 8th, 1759, Secretary Peters, at the request of General
Forbes, held a conference at Philadelphia with the Six Nation
Chiefs and other Indians from Bowlunee, on the Upper
Allegheny, Andrew Montour, interpreter. On the 20th he
' " Post's Second Journal, 1758."
' " Pennsylvania Archives," 1759.
172 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
informed the Secretary that the Indians were dissatisfied.
They said it was absolutely necessary Andrew should return
to Ohio with them, but he told them he was an officer, subject
to the General, and could not go without written orders from
him.'
These Indians wished to know the intentions of the Eng-
lish, and what was done at the Easton Treaty, etc. In July a
great conference with all the Indian tribes of the Ohio was
held at Pittsburgh, by George Croghan, Deputy Agent, Col.
Hugh Mercer, commanding Fort Pitt, Captain William Trent,
Captain Thomas McKee,^ Captain Henry ; Montour, inter-
preter. It lasted from July 4th to nth, 1759. King Beaver
was the principal speaker of the Indians. Guyasuta (Kiashuta),
was present.
Another conference was held at Pittsburgh, on October
24th, between General Stanwix, the officers, George Croghan,
William Trent, McKee, Captain Henry, Montour interpreter.
Six Nations, Shawanese, Wyandots, Miamis, and Delawares.
Captain Montour lit the Pipe of Peace left here by the
warriors of the Ottawas, handing it to General Stanwix and
the other officers of the army, and Indians, to smoke, then
acquainted the Indians by whom the pipe was left, and upon
what occasion, showing them the belts left at the same time.
At the camp before Pittsburgh General Moncton held a con-
ference with the Western Indians on August X2th, 1760,'
Captain Andrew Montour, interpreter, George Croghan,
Deputy Agent.
On September 4th Montour arrived at Presqu' Isle with
Shingiss.'' Canada having capitulated, an expedition was
' " Colonial Records."
^ For many years Chief Indian Trader on tlie Susquehanna. He built
Fort McKee. Alexander McKee was his son.
■' " Pennsylvania Archives," 1760.
* Massachusetts Historical Society.
ANDREW MONTOUR. 173
fitted out to take possession of the different French posts on
the lakes, Detroit, etc. On November 4th the Flotilla, of
nineteen whale-boats and batteaux, sailed. The shore party
consisted of forty-two Rangers, fifteen Royal Americans, and
twenty Indians, Six Nations, Shawanese and Delawares,
under the command of Captain Montour, the shore party
commanded by Captain Brewer, the whole land and water
forces under Major Robert Rogers. Croghan commanded one
of the boats. Detroit was surrendered, after some parley, on
November 29th.'
On December 8th Major Rogers and Captain Montour,
with a party of Indians set off to take possession of Mackinaw.
After proceeding on their voyage about ninety miles to a
point on the west side of Lake Huron, they found it im- •
possible to get through the ice. To go by land the Indians
declared was impossible without snow-shoes, so much to
Rogers' mortification they returned, reaching Detroit on the
2ISt.
On May 22d, 1761, at a conference held at the State House,
Philadelphia, between the Governor and several Indians from
Allegheny, Andrew Montour was interpreter. Governor
Hamilton held a conference at Lancaster, August 23d, 1762,
with the Northern Indians, Andrew Montour was State
interpreter.
1763. — The Pontiac war was now raging."
Andrew Montour was at Fort Augusta (Shamokin), on his
way up the west branch of the Susquehanna on July 23d,
1763, returning August 7th, with news of the Indians' attack
on Loyalhanna, Ligonier and Fort Pitt being reported
captured.'
' " Massachusetts Historical Collection."
' " Pennsylvania Archives."
' " Colonial Records. "
174 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
December 19th, Captain Montour delivered to Governor
John Penn an address of welcome from the Conestoga
Indians at Conestoga Town, Lancaster County.
1764. — Against the hostile Delawares, residing on the
upper Susquehanna, Sir William Johnston sent a party of
nearly two hundred Indians — Six Nations, Tuscarawas and
Oneidas, and a few Rangers — under the command of Captain
Montour.' In the middle of February they left their castles
with the intention of falling upon the towns of the Dela-
wares and Shawanese, lying near the forks and branches of
the Ohio and Susquehanna. They seized here in their en-
campment a party of forty Delawares under the command
of the famous Captain Bull, a son of the ill-fated Teedyus-
cung. Captain Bull was a remarkable Indian and in capacity
as leader had done considerable damage during the war. The
prisoners were sent by way of Fort Stanwix, to Johnston
Hall. Captain Bull and thirteen of the warriors were sent
by way of Albany to New York, and there confined in jail.
The others were distributed among the friendly Indians to
supply the places of lost relations — an Indian custom.*
On April ist. Captain Montour, with 140 Indians and
some Rangers, set out for Kanestio, and after passing
several high creeks and rivers, they destroyed two large
towns, which were built of square logs. After this Montour
proceeded to Kanestio, where they destroyed sixty good
houses and killed a number of cattle.
1768. — A conference was held at Fort Pitt between George
Croghan, Deputy Agent of Indian Affairs, and the chiefs and
warriors of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, and Mun-
cies, residing on the Ohio River. "Henry" Montour, inter-
preter.
' Stone's " Life of Sir William Johnston."
i " New York Colonial History."
ANDREW MONTOUR. 175
On October 24th the great Congress with the Indians at
Fort Stanwix opened. Andrew Montour was one of the
interpreters ; the others were John Butler and Philip Phillips.
1769. — A tract of land, at the junction of Loyalsock Creek,
on the west branch of the Susquehanna, in the present
county of Lycoming, was surveyed November 3, 1769, for
Andrew Montour, called Montour's Reserve. It contained
880 acres.
It seems also that " Henry " Montour claimed, settled on,
and built a house on a tract of 600 acres on or near Chillis-
quaque Creek, about four or five miles above Fort Augusta.
The Indian name of Montour was " Sattelihu."
At the time of the visit of Zinzendorf to Shamokin, in the
autumn of 1742, he met Andrew for the first time, and thus
describes him : " His cast of countenance is decidedly Euro-
pean, and had not his face been encircled with a broad
band of paint, applied with bear's fat, I would certainly have
taken him for one. He wore a brown broadcloth coat, a
scarlet damasken lappel waist-coat, breeches, over which his
shirt hung, a black Cordovan neckerchief decked with silver
bugles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were hung
with pendants of brass and other wires plaited together like
the handles of a basket. He was very cordial, but on address-
ing him in French, he, to my surprise, replied in English."
GEORGE CROGHAN.
George Croghan was the most conspicuous name in the
Western annals, in connection with Indian affairs, for twenty-
five years preceding the Revolutionary War. He was a
native of Ireland, and received an ordinary education in
Dublin. Came to America in 1743 or 1744. In 1746 he
resided in East Pennsboro Township, Lancaster, (afterwards
Cumberland County), five miles west of Harris' Ferry, now
Harrisburg.'
In March, 1749, he was appointed by the Governor and
Council one of the Justices of the Peace and Common
Pleas for Lancaster County. He engaged in the Indian
trade, going as far as the southwestern border of Lake
Erie in 1746 or 1747.
In 1748 he had a trading house at Logstown, on the Ohio,
and afterwards trading establishments at the principal Indian
towns. ^
France claimed the vast country west of the Alleghenies,
watered by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. She was now
attempting to establish her claim by the establishment of
military posts from the lakes to the Mississippi and along the
Allegheny and Ohio rivers.
The Indian tribes in this region, numerous and warlike,
were to be conciliated. Croghan early saw the importance of
' " Pennsylvania Archives." Evans' Map of the Middle Colonies,
1749. Rupp.
' " Weiser's Journal."
(176)
GEORGE CROGHAN. 1/7
detaching them from the French by means of presents and
more favorable trade. His suggestions on the subject were
wisely heeded by the President and Council of the Province
of Pennsylvania, and they accordingly appointed him, in 1747,
their agent, to deliver presents of goods to the Ohio Indians.'
In April, 1748, he met the Indian chiefs at Ohio, returned
thanks of the President and Council of Pennsylvania for the
French scalp they had sent down last spring, and delivered
the present of goods for all their brethren, settled in and
about Ohio, powder, lead, vermilion, knives and tobacco, to
the amount of ;^224.5.o. He further stated that a proclama-
tion had been issued, strictly forbidding all traders from
carrying strong liquors into the Indian country under severe
penalties. The chiefs returned thanks for the presents,
approved of the suppression of the traffic in liquor, but as
they had recently induced some nations of Indians in the
French interest to leave them, and as they had never tasted
English rum, they hoped some would be sent to them.' They
significantly added "We send you this French scalp as a
token that we don't go to visit them for nothing."
In August, 1749, he was sent west by Governor Hamilton
in consequence of rumors of the French approaching the
Ohio, and to secure the Indians to the English interest.' He
reached Logstown soon after Cdleron, with the French
troops, had left. The increasing intrusion of white settlers
on the unpurchased lands of the Indians west of the Susque-
hanna, in spite of the laws, of the Governor's proclamation,
and the threats of the Indians themselves, determined the
government to expel them by force.
Accordingly, in May, 1750, a large company, headed by
' " Colonial Records," 1747.
" "Colonial Records," Vol. V.
» " New York Colonial History."
178 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Secretary Peters, George Croghan and the other magistrates
and sheriff of the new County of Cumberland, visited the
settlers on the Big Juniata, Sherman's Creek, the Path Val-
ley, Big Cove, Auchquick Creek and other places, removed
their household goods and burned the log cabins ; doubtless
by these effective measures preventing an Indian war.'
In November of the same year he was dispatched, in com-
pany with Andrew Montour, to the Miamis, to renew the
chain of friendship and deliver them a present. On their
way out, at Logstown, on the Ohio, the few chiefs then there
told him "their brothers, the English, ought to have a fort on
this river to secure the trade, as they expected war with the
French in the spring."^
At Muskingum he met Christopher Gist. They travelled
together to Piqua. There Croghan delivered the message and
presents, and made a treaty, for which the Governor censured
him, as done without authority, although he said he believed
Croghan intended well. The latter in his account says the
Assembly rejected the treaty and condemned him for draw-
ing an additional expense on the Government, and the Indians
were neglected.^ The treaty admits two tribes, Ottawas and
Pyankeskees, to the friendship and alliance of the King of
Great Britain and his subjects, as the other tribes of the
Miami's had been. Signed by George Croghan, in the pres-
ence of us, Christopher Gist, Robert Callender, Thomas T.
K. Kinton, three Miami chiefs, Andrew Montour, John J. P.
Peter, a Delaware and a Shawnese chief present. The
Governor sent them a message of approval three months
later."
' " Assembly Journals," 1750.
'' "Colonial Records," \'ol. V.
' " New York Colonial History," Vol. VII. " Pennsylvania Assembly
Journals."
* " Colonial Recoi^ds," Vol. V, pp. 524-34.
\
\
i
GEORGE CROGHAN. 179
In May, 1751, he was at Logstown with Andrew Montour,
having been commissioned to deliver to the Ohio Indians the
provincial present, and friendly messages. Jean Cceur, the
French Agent and interpreter, was there. At the council he
was menaced by the chiefs, who ordered the French from
their lands. They delivered Croghan a speech for the Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania, in which they requested he should
build a strong house on the Ohio River soon. Governor
Hamilton communicated to the House of Assembly, Croghan
and Montour's account of their proceedings, in a special
message, and recommended the building of a strong trading
house on the Ohio, and offered, on the part of the proprie-
taries, to bear a portion of the expense. The Assembly de-
clined, and preferred the proprietary would contribute to the
expense of the presents to the Indians. That body also
asserted that the danger from the French, and the Indians'
request to erect a strong trading house, was misunderstood
or misrepresented by Croghan. So the matter was dropped.'
In the latter part of April, 1752, Governor Hamilton, at
Philadelphia, received a letter from Croghan, written at the
Shawnese town, February 8th, and enclosing a message from
the Shawnese to the effect that they intended to war against
the French in revenge for the thirty Miamis killed by them,
and wanting to be assured of the friendship of the English.'
In October, 1753, a large deputation of chiefs and warriors
of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnese, Wyandots and
Miamis, held a treaty with the Commissioners of Pennsyl-
vania, at Carlisle. George Croghan was present.'
These Indians held a treaty at Winchester, in September,
' Votes of Assembly. "Colonial Records." "New York Colonial
History," Vol. VII, p. 268.
" " Colonial Records," Vol. V.
' " Colonial Records," Vol. V.
l80 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
with Virginia. Conferences with the Indian chiefs were
generally held up to 1754, at George Croghan's house at Penns-
boro. The road through the pass on the mountain, about six
miles north of Carlisle, and the same distance west of Cro-
ghan's, is marked "Croghan's Gap" on Evans Map of 1749,
and all others to a recent date, when it seems, changed to
Sterrits Gap.
In 1753 Croghan built a house at Aughwick or Aughquick
Old Town, doubtless the site of an old Indian town, now in
the borough of Shirleysburgh, Huntington County, Pa.,
called Croghan's Fort — Fort Shirley, by Governor Morris in
1756, — when it was enlarged and stockaded.' One of the chain
of forts established in consequence of the defeat of Braddock.
About twenty miles from the settlements Fort Lytellton was
built. Fifteen miles northeast of Fort Shirley, near the
mouth of a branch of the Juniata, called Kishequokilis, a
third fort was erected, called Fort Granville. From Fort
Granville towards Susquehanna, at the distance of fifteen
miles and about twelve from the river, another fort was
established, called Pomfret Castle.
Croghan also, this year, 1753, held a tract of nearly 400
acres near the present Bedford town, surveyed by the Deputy
Surveyor, Armstrong, and obtained a grant from the Six
Nations of a tract in Aughwick.
February 3, 1754. — Again Croghan wrote to Governor Ham-
ilton, and Richard Peters, Secretary, urging the building of
a strong log trading house or stockade, — in reality a fort, but
inexpensive. He mentions that Mr. Trent has just come out
with the Virginia Guards and brought a quantity of tools and
workmen to build a fort, and as he could not talk the Indian
language, "I am obliged to stay and assist in dividing the
goods." This was the commencement of the fortification at
' "Pennsylvania Archives."
GEORGE CROGHAN. l8l
the Forks of the Ohio, which Ensign Ward was obliged to
surrender, when partly finished, to the superior force of
Contrecceur, in April. During the past winter Croghan had
a large number of Indians at Aughwick under his charge.
The Assembly of Pennsylvania adjourned on March 9th,
without making, but refusing to make, any appropriation for
the defense of the Province.
On March 13, 1754, Governor Hamilton wrote to Governor
Dinwiddle : " Ever since I had the honor to write you I have
been laboring indefatigably with my Assembly to induce them
to act vigorously on the present critical juncture of affairs at
Ohio, and to grant such supplies as might enable us to resist
the invasion of the French." In another letter of the same
date he wished Governor Dinwiddle to inform him as to the
situation of the French forts, as he believes those at the
Forks of the Monongahela to be really within the bounds of
Pennsylvania. Governor Dinwiddle replied March 21st : "I
am from all hands assured Logstown is far to the West of
Mr. Penn's grant and the Forks of the Ohio also." ^
" In January I commissioned William Trent to raise one
Hundred men ; he had got Seventy and had begun a Fort at
the Forks of the Monhongialo. His Majesty sent me out Thirty
Pieces of Cannon, Four-Pounders, with Carriages and all
necessary Impliments, with Eighty Barrells of Gun Powder."
December 6, 1754. — This message was received from the
Assembly : "As we apprehend, the Governor will agree with
us in the necessity of regulating that Expence (Indian Allies),
with all possible economy, and as George Croghan (whose
accounts we have allowed) seems resolved to remove from
Aughquick, and the Indians by that means will be left with-
out any proper Person to take the necessary Care of providing
for their Subsistence, we recommend it to the Governor's
' " Colonial Records."
1 82 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
Consideration whether it might not be more convenient for
the Indians themselves, and less Expence to the Province, if
they were invited to move nearer our Back Inhabitants, till
by Hunting or otherwise, they may be able to subsist them-
selves with Safety."
In a letter to Governor Morris, December 2, 1754, he gives
the reasons for wishing to leave Aughquick. "All the Prom-
ises made those Indians or any Expectations they have of this
government Doing anything for them, they always expect to
be fulfilled by me, and as it is not in my power to do any-
thing for them, I think it proper one of the Interpreters
should be sent here to take care of them, they imagine I
have received orders from your Honour to supply them with
such things as they want. I think it is my Duty to acquaint
your Honour what I know of the Indians Sentiments and what
they expect of this Government, which is as follows. The
Ohio Indians in general puts their whole dependence on
this government in regard to the Expedition, as soon as
this government moves they will unite all their force and
attack the French."
R. Peters, in a letter to George Croghan desires him to
make his opinion known to the Assembly relative to remov-
ing the Indians from Auchquick, "and insist that a stockade
be made this winter." In George Croghan's answer to Mr.
Peters as to the best method of moving the Indians he writes,
" I think it would be of very ill consequence, for I think they
are full near the Inhabitants already; there was one White
Man killed this summer already by an Indian in a drunken
frolic, and if they lived among them there would be con-
stantly rioting and quarrelling. I don't know what will
become of the Back parts unless there be a Stockade Fort put
up this side the Blue Hills, as certainly the Indians who come
to the Virginia Camp are Spies come to view the Country
GEORGE CROGHAN. I 83
and know our strength, for I am certain there is a great body
of French and Indians at the French Fort on Ohio."
In a letter of December 23, 1754 to Governor Morris, he
writes : " I am obliged to advertise the Inhabitants of Cum-
berland County, in your honour's name, not to barter or sell
Liquour to the Indians, or to any persons to bring amongst
them."
Croghan always took an important part in all conferences
and treaties with the Indians.'
Croghan was one of the Commissioners appointed to open
a road to the Ohio for the use of troops. May 12, 1755, the
Governor wrote to Braddock : "Agreeable to your request,
immediately upon my return from Alexandria, I sent to
George Croghan, the person entrusted with the management
of the Indians in this Province, to join you with as large a
body of Indians as he could." General Braddock, in his
answer, writes : " I have engaged between forty and fifty
Indians from the Frontier of your Province to go with me
over the Mountains, and shall take Croghan and Montour into
Service."
Letter from George Croghan to Governor Morris, May 20,
175s : "Tomorrow what Indian women and children came to
Fort Cumberland with me will be sent back to Aucquick by
order of the General, the Men entirely go with the General,
and the General insists on my going with him, so that it is
out of my Power to provide for those Women and Children.
The messengers I sent to the Shawnese, Twigtwees and
Owendots, are not yet returned but I hear they are coming,
so that I hope they will join the General before the Army gets
to the Ohio." After the defeat of Braddock, Croghan re-
turned to Aughquick. The Indians held a conference at
Philadelphia and complained of the ignorance of the General
and the haughty way he had treated them.
' " Colonial Records."
l84 CHRISTOPHER GTST S JOURNALS.
Letter of Croghan to Charles Swaine, from Aughquick,
says : " He had seen an Indian from Ohio, sent to give him
warning that he might save his scalp, which he says would be
no small prize to the French, and he desires me, as soon as I
see the Indians remove from Susquehanna back to Ohio, to
shift my quarters, for he says that the French will, if possible,
lay all the back frontiers in ruin this Winter." " I am glad I
have no hand in Indian affairs at this critical time."
November 12th, Croghan writes to Hamilton : " Permit
me at this Critical Time to give you information of the designs
of the Enemy. I would have written to the Governor but he
has not thought proper to desire me to give him any accounts
of Indian Afifairs since the defeat of General Braddock. The
Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots and Twig-
trees have held a Conference and determined to proceed
against the Frontiers of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania
this winter."
1755. — Orders were sent to Captain George Croghan "to
proceed to Cumberland County and fix on proper places for
erecting three stockadoes, viz. : One back of Patterson's, one
upon Kishecoquillas, and one near Sideling Hill, fifty feet
square, with a block-house on two of the corners and a
barrack within, capable of lodging fifty men."
December 17. — James Hamilton wrote to Governor Morris :
" Since you left us, Conrad Weiser, James Galbraith and
George Croghan have been in town, and have been fully
examined by the Councils upon all the Points we thought
necessary to be known. The Country is everywhere alarmed.
I have given George Croghan a Captain's Commission. He
is to raise the men immediately and superintend the building
of Stockades."
Governor Morris gave to Governor Hardy this character of
Croghan : " There were many Indian traders with Braddock,
^Jf^^/>
ff/ (M/iJ /ry /he C/rtrm/nce. e¥
(^»ruAF /Su Quesne/
t.,4^tiffffwi\i
C^ti.edf 6f mi./ram f^ an'^ina/ t^Me f^cM< ^t»nf ^iee^^antten.
WEST PENNSYLVAN
41 -> ^r-^"^
y>^^-^
~s.^
si
^
^
,a ND VIRGINIA, 1755.
*^ iM>u^ ej Q'n.f'^t^A. ^..yilt^O^
GEORGE CROGHAN. I 8$
and among others Croghan, who acted as a Captain of the
Indians under a Warrant from General Braddock, and I never
heard any objections to his conduct in that capacity. For
many years he had been very largely concerned in the Ohio
trade, was upon that river frequently, and had a considerable
influence among the Indians, speaking the Language of several
nations, and being very liberal or rather profuse in his gifts
to them which, with the losses he sustained by the French,
who seized great quantities of his goods, and by not getting
the debts due to him from the Indians, be became Bankrupt,
and since has lived at a place called Aughwick, in the Back
parts of this Province, where he had generally a number of
Indians with him, for the maintenance of whom the Province
allowed him sums of money from time to time. After
this he went by my order with those Indians and joined
General Braddock ; since Braddock's defeat he returned
to Aughwick, where he remained until anact of assembly
was passed here granting him a freedom from arrest for
ten years ; this was done that the Province might have the
Benefit of his Knowledge of the woods and his influence
among the Indians. A Captain's commission was given to
him and he was ordered to raise men for the defence of the
Western Frontier, which he did in a very expeditious manner,
he continued in the command of one of the Companies he
had raised, and of Fort Shirley about three months, when,
having a dispute with the Commissioners about some accounts
between them, in which he thought himself ill-used, he re-
signed his commission. I hear he is now at Onondago with
Sir William Johnston."
At a Council held at Philadelphia, December 14, 1756, the
Governor informed the Council that Sir William Johnston
had appointed Mr. Croghan to transact Indian affairs in this
Province. Mr. Croghan was of opinion that there should be
13
1 86 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
a conference held with the Indians as early as possible in the
Spring. He was instructed by Sir William Johnston to pro-
ceed to Philadelphia as soon as he could, or to any part of
that Province where the good of his Majesty's Indian interest
might require. He was to endeavor to find out the dispo-
sition of such Indians as are still living in those parts and
try all means to convince them it is their interest to continue
friends with the English, and to seek out the Delawares and
Shawanese and induce them to join his Majesty's army.
During January, 1757, Mr. Croghan dispatched two of the
Conestogas to Ohio with messages to the Six Nations,
Delawares and Shawanese. March 29 he wrote from Harris'
Ferry "that on arriving there he found 160 Indians, chiefly
Six Nations. Teedyuscung had gone to the Seneca Country
and he expected him soon with not less than 200 Indians."
He asked for clothes for them, which request was granted by
the Council. The conference with the Indians asked for by
George Croghan was held in the court-house at Lancaster, on
Monday, May 16, 1757. Mr. Croghan thought it necessary
that presents should be made to the Cherokees, to consist of
such articles as Mr. Croghan might think those warriors stood
most in need of, particularly arms. This request of Mr.
Croghan was granted and he was appointed to distribute the
presents. The Sachems made the following speech : " As
we have finished the business for this time and we design to
part to-morrow, you must be sensible that we have a long
journey and a hilly country to pass over, and several of our
old men very weak, we hope that you will not send us from
your frontiers without a ' walking-stick,' (meaning a keg of
rum)."
In September, 1757, Croghan was at Fort Johnston, New
York, attending conferences between Sir William Johnston
and the Six Nations and Cherokees. Previous to that he had
been sent by Johnston to the German Flats.
GEORGE CROGHAN. I 87
June 30, 1758. — He marched with a division of the Indians
to join General Abercrombie. Sir William Johnston was with
him and nearly 4CK> Indians, amongst whom there were some
of all the Five Nations.
A conference was held in the town of Easton on October
8, 1758, at which George Croghan was present. This con-
ference continued until the 26th.
On March 28, 1759, Mr. Croghan, in conference with the
Governor, gave it as his opinion, that there should be no invi-
tations sent fixing the time of meeting for the Ohio Indians.
If any further invitation was necessary, it should be general,
intimating that we expected to see them, and leave the par-
ticular time to themselves, not knowing what time would suit
the Indians, who were so far distant one from another. Mr.
Croghan said further, that the Indians in town were exceed-
ingly uneasy, and desired an audience of General Stanwix,
on which the Governor wrote a letter to the General, desiring
him to give the Indians an audience and to make them pres-
ents to their satisfaction.
July, 1759. — A conference was held at Pittsburgh by
George Croghan, Deputy Agent. Col. Hugh Mercer, a num-
ber of officers of the garrison and chiefs of the Six Nations,
Shawanese and Delawares were present. Captain Croghan
held a private conference, relative to the price of goods and
skins.
May, 1760. — Croghan wrote to R. Peters, recommending
to him six Mohock Indians, who had come to Fort Pitt with
Montour, and informing him that several Indian Nations seem
bent on carrying on a war against the Southern Indians, but
are deterred by scarcity of ammunition. A conference was
held at Pittsburgh, on the 12th of August, by Brigadier-Gen-
eral Moncton, with the Western Nation of Indians, at which
Deputy Agent Croghan was present. Croghan accompanied
I88 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Major Rogers to Detroit, to receive the surrender of that and
the other posts of the French in the west. Captain Croghan
kept a journal of this expedition, which has been published.
July, 1760. — He accompanied Colonel Bouquet, from Fort
Pitt to Venango, with a detachment 0/ troops. During the
Pontiac War, Croghan was active ; he was with Captain
Ecuyer, during the investment of Fort Pitt by the Indians.
After it was relieved by Bouquet, he resigned out of the service,
intending to sail for England ; he wrote thus from Carlisle,
October 11, 1763: "I know many people will think I am
wrong, but had I continued, I could be of no more service
than I have been this eighteen months past, which was none,
as no regard was had to any intelligence I sent, no more than
to my opinion." General Gage, succeeding Amherst, ordered
Croghan to remain. Sir William Johnston, in 1763, sent him
to England, to confer with the ministry, about an Indian
boundary line. In this voyage, he was shipwrecked on the
coast of France.
February 28. — He was present at an Indian conference, at
Fort Pitt, a journal of which has been published.
While on his way, in 1765, to pacify the Illinois Indians, he
was attacked, June 8, wounded and taken to Vincennes, but
was soon released, and accomplished his mission. In May,
1766, he made a settlement, four miles above Fort Pitt. He
continued to render valuable service in pacifying the Indians,
until 1776. He was an object of suspicion to the Revolution-
ary authorities, in 1778, but as he continued to reside on his
farm, he was doubtless unjustly accused.
George Croghan's settlement was undoubtedly the first,
except Gist's, within the County of Allegheny. The house
stood on the bank of the Allegheny River, a few rods from
the late residence of Judge McCandless. Two ancient apple
trees mark the exact spot, on the draft of survey. The White
GEORGE CROGHAN. I89
Mingo Castle is marked on the north side of the river, at the
mouth of Pine Creek. At his residence here, he held fre-
quent conferences with the Indians, some of whom were
frequently there when he was at home. In Washington's
"Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River," in 1770, is entered,
October 18, "Dined with Col. Croghan."
In the MS. copy of Land Office Survey, in June, 1769,
for George Croghan's tract of 1,352 acres, the White
Mingoes' Castle is laid down on the north side of the river,
opposite to the land surveyed, and near the mouth of Pine
Creek, on the east side. Clarkson's Diary, of 1766, refers to
this " Indian Settlement of the Mingoes," and as the " White
Mingo's Town," in Schoolcraft's "American Abridged Ar-
chives," Volume IV, pp. 269-271. It was, however, a much
older place of resort by the Indians. The present Kittanning
road, from half a mile above the mouth of Pine Creek, direct
to Kittanning, was the old Kittanning path of the Indians,
and so called by the older white settlers, within the memory
of the writer. In 1753-4, William Trent and George Croghan,
partners in the Indian trade, had a storehouse above the
mouth of Pine Creek ; also fenced fields of Indian corn and
numbers of large canoes and batteaux, all of which were
seized by the French in 1754.'
Pine Creek empties into the Allegheny River, on the north
side, five Miles above the site of Fort Pitt, near the present
towns of Sharpsburgh and Etna. Indians of the Six Nations
appear to have built the town at this point, soon after the erec-
tion of Fort Pitt. It was known as the " White Mingo Town,"
from the head chief. These Indians came from the " Mingo
town," on the northwest side of the Ohio, about three miles
below the site of the present city of Steubenville, near the
mouth of Indian Cross Creek and "Mingo Junction," of the
I MS. affidavit of Croghan, and others, Carlisle, 1756.
IQO CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Pittsburgh, St. Louis and Pittsburgh and Wheeling railways.
It was a town inhabited chiefly by the Senecas, called with
others of the Six Nations, " Mingoes."' Washington visited
it in October and November, 1770, on his way to and from
the Kanawha. He states that it then had about twenty
cabins and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. Accord-
ing to Thomas Hutchins, it was the only Indian village, in
1766, between Fort Pitt and the Falls of the Ohio. It then
contained sixty families. The Monsies were a tribe of the
Delawares, speaking a somewhat different dialect. Their
settlement was probably the Sewickly town on Evans' Map of
1755, and Scull's of 1770, where the town of Springdale now
stands, twelve miles above Pittsburgh, on the northwest
side of the Allegheny River. Conrad Weiser passed a night
there. John Conolly and Captain Ed. Ward were relatives
of George Croghan ; their exact relationship is not known.
Susannah, wife of General Prevost, was his only child ; she
died at Milgrove, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, March,
1791. Her heirs tried to recover part of his property, but
were unsuccessful. The history of George Croghan, the In-
dians' friend and generous protector, is the history of the
Indians of Pennsylvania; — their conferences, treaties, and
treatment by the white usurpers.'' George Croghan's house,
on the Allegheny, was erected in 1759-60 ; burned by the
Indians during their outbreak in the Summer of 1763 ; rebuilt
on the same spot ; was standing the beginning of this century.
DEED TO GEORGE CROGHAN.
Whereas Johonisse, Scarayoday and Teedyuscung chiefs or
sachems of the Six united Nations of Indians did by their deed
' George Croghan's Journal.
' See Ecuyer's Journal in " Fort Pitt."
DEED TO GEORGE CKOGHAN. ' IQI
duly executed having date the 2d day of August A D 1749 for
the consideration therein mentioned grant bargain and sell to
George Croghan in fee a certain tract of land Beginning on the
eastern side of the river Ohio to the northward of an old Indian
town called Shannopins Town at the mouth of a run called
the Two mile run and running thence up the said two mile
run to where it intersects with the heads of the two mile
springs where it empties into the Monongahela river, thence
down the said two mile springs the same course thereof
into the said river Monongahela, thence up the said river
Monongahela to where Turtle creek empties itself into
the said river, thence up the said creek to the first forks
thereof, thence up the north or northerly branch of the said
creek to the head of the same, thence north or a northerly
course until it strikes Plumb Creek, thence down said
Plumb creek until it empties itself into the river Allegheny
and thence down the said river Allegheny to the place of
beginning where the aforesaid two mile run discharges itself
into the said river Ohio containing by estimate Forty thousand
Acres be the same more or less as by the same deed more fully
appears. And whereas said Chiefs or Sachems fully repre-
senting the six united Nations aforesaid in full council assem-
bled at Fort Stanwix did by their Deed Poll duly executed
bearing date the nth November 1768 for the consideration
therein mentioned, granted and conveyed to his most sacred
Majesty George III king of Great Britain, for the benefit and
behoof of said George Croghan all the before mentioned tract
of land ; for part of which said lands George Croghan made
application unto the Secretarys office at Philadelphia April
1st 1769 and obtained a special grant for part of the same
from the Proprietor of Pennsylvania as appears from the
records of the Land Office at Philadelphia, reference being
had thereto may more fully appear, which application with
192 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
surveys were made and returned to the Surveyor Generals
Office at Philadelphia. And whereas said George Croghan
by Indenture 20th April 1776 granted and conveyed to said
Thomas Gerty 476% Acres part of the aforesaid land. Be-
ginning at a Black Oak on the Eastern bank of the river
Allegheny and running thence north to a Sycamore in a small
island on Crab Tree run now commonly called Plumb Creek,
thence down to a Sycamore at the junction with the Allegheny.'
LETTER FROM WILLIAM TRENT TO GOVERNOR
HAMILTON.
Virginia, April 10, 1753.
May it please your Honour
I have received a letter just now from Mr. Croghan wherein
he acquaints me that fifty odd Ottawas, Conewagos, one
Dutchman and one of the Six nations that was their Captain
met with some of Our people at a place called Kentucky on
this side Allegheny river about one hundred and fifty miles
from the lower Shawanese Town, they took eight Prisoners,
five belonging to Mr Croghan and me, the others to Lowry,
they took three or four hundred Pounds worth of goods from
us, one of them made his escape after he had been a Prisoner
three days, three of John Finleys men are killed by the little
Pict Town and no account of himself, they robbed Michael
Teaffs People near the Lakes, there was one Frenchman in
Company, the Owendats secured his People and five horse
loads of Skins. Mr Croghan is coming thro' the Woods with
some Indians and Whites and the rest of the White men and
the Indians are coming up the river in a body though 'tis a
question whether they escape, as three hundred Ottawas were
' See Treaty at Fort Stanwix.
BOUQUET PAPERS. 193
expected at the lower Town every day and another Party of
French and Indians coming down the river, the Indians are
in such confusion that there is no knowing who to trust. I
expect they will all join the French except the Delawares, as
they expect no assistance from the English. The Low Dutch-
mans name that was with the Party that robbed our People is
Philip Philips, his mother lives near Col. Johnsons, he was
taken by the French Indians about six years ago and has lived
ever since with them ; he intends sometime this summer to
go and see his mother, if your Honour pleases to acquaint the
Governor of New York with it, he may possibly get him
secured by keeping it secret, and acquainting Col. Johnson
with it and ordering him to apprehend him ; if the Dutchman
once come to understand it, they will contrive to send him
word to keep out of the way.
I intend leaving directly for Allegheny with provisions for
our People that are coming through the woods and up the
river. I am your Honours
most obedient humble servant
William Trent.
[Endorsed James Hamilton.]
BOUQUET PAPERS.
Fort Pitt, January 24, 1763.
Dear Sir
Since I wrote you last there has little happened here in
my department worth mentioning. Some Shennas came
here and delivered up four prisoners and yesterday some
Chiefs arrived on the other side y' River, who have brought
four more which will be delivered up to-morrow and those
Chiefs tell me they are to stay and hunt here about till y"
last is brought up in y" spring.
194 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Captain Ecuyer will write you y° news of this place. Y"
gentlemen here are all bucks ; nothing but Flutes and assem-
blys, we really live in great harmony.
Sir, I have taken y' Liberty to draw on you for ;^ioo in
favour of John Welsh for which and y' £ioo to Capt. Basett
you will please to keep y' warrant which I expect y' General
has granted for y'' small account of ;^ 18000 which I was in
advance and sent by you.
I am dear Sir with great esteem and regard
y' most humble servant
George Croghan.
Fort Pitt, March 19, 1763.
Dear Sir
I am sorry that Col. John Armstrong has not returned
y four Tracts run out for you last fall with y' Tract
of y' big spring on Vinord Creek, which are all done. I have
wrote him to return them as soon as possible ; as to y' Tracts
on Vinord Creek you may depend on it I will have them run
out next month when I shall be at Bedford.
As to the other affair my Brother is now on y' spot with y"
Indian and diging y° produce of which I will send you on my
arrival at Bedford where I expect to be by y' first of April.
As I shall not have y' pleasure of accompanying you down
y' river, I think it my duty to give you my opinion of that
tour, with respect to making any settlement. I dare say you
will find that the French has not purchased any more Land of
the Indians than just what they have occupyed and that you
will find y' Indians will not stand tame Spectators and see set-
tlements made in their Country without first having some con-
sideration given them for it and I am of opinion the French
will do every thing in their power privately to give y' Indians a
BOUQUET PAPERS. IQS
bad impression of us so that your hands should be open with
respect to presents you should have at least fifty Indians from
hence with you of y"' diferent Nations and such as is of con-
sequence amongst these Nations, with whom I will send
young Mr. McKee who is a modest young man and one you
can depend on as a good interpreter. You will find y" Cher-
okees our enemies tho' they seem quiet on y' frontiers of
Carolina, and what obliged them to be so is nothing else than
y' war which y° Western Nations has carryed on against them
with great Spirit this two years past, they have been this
winter endeavouring to accumodate maters which if they
should do may give us more trouble than we may expect.
I am Dear sir with esteem and regard
y' Most Humble servant
George Croghan.
[To Col. Bouquet.]
FOR COL. HENRY BOUQUET.
Fort Pitt, March 19, 1763.
Dear Sir
I was favoured with yours of the 22d February and observe
the Generals resolution with respect to giving any presents to
y' Indians this way, which was no more than I expected. I was
fully determined to give as little as possible to y' Indians here
this winter and I dare say when you see y" accounts you will
see that nothing has been given on y^ kings account which
could have been avoided. Indeed I believe it has cost me
near ;^ioo out of my own pocket in trifels which I did not
chuse to trouble Captain Ecuyer with nor could I avoid doing
it myself without letting y' service suffer. Since y' reduction
of Canada the several Indian Nations this Way has been
very jelous of his Majestys growing power in this Country
196 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
but this last account of so much of North America being
ceded to Great Britain has almost drove them to despair, and
by leters from Major Gladwin and Captain Campble it appears
that y' Indians over the Lakes are full as many there as on
this Side. As to y" News how they may behave I cant pre-
tend to say, but I do not aprove of General Armhursts plan
in distresing them too much at wonst as in my opinion they
will not consider Consequences if too much distrest, tho' Sir
Jeffrey thinks they will. Some time ago I wrote to Sir Wil-
liam Johnson and let him know that if Sir Jeffrey Amhurst
did not give me leave to go to England to solicit a restitution
for y= great depredations committed on me by the King of
Frances Subjects in y' beginning of y'= war, that I would re-
sign which I expect will be y" case as I am pretty certain Sir
W J will give me leave to resign as he must think there is no
occasion for an Agent here on Sir Jeffrey Armhurst present
plan, so that I expect every day to hear that both Sir W and
Sir Jefif has aproved of my quiting y' Service as it will save
something to y' Nation.
Enclosed I send you the small Account of £i2i7. 19. 6.
with two other vouchers from Capt. Campble which I must
Request y" feavor of you to prefer to Sir Jeffery ; if he con-
descends to pay it, pray receive y" money and give me Credit
for it. If he should not aprove of those Vouchers I can do
no more I must content myself with the loss thereof.
Nothing would give me greater plesher than to go down
this River as you are honoured with the Command, but for
two very weatey rasons I cant think of it first my own affairs
will oblige me to go to England as soon as possible, y'
Secondly is that I am certain Sir Jeffery Armhurst will not
alow a sufisent quantity of presents to satisfye the Great
Number of Indians and before I wold attempt to undertake
y= Negocieatory Maters with a Number of Indian Nations
BOUQUET PAPERS. 197
who has never been aquainted with us but allways under y°
influences of the French without I could do it with repetation
to my self and ease to you. I will run y' Resk of loosing
every thing I have depending in England and content my-
self at y' tail of a plow, some where on y" frontier.
Captain Ecuyer and my self has done every thing in our
power to get as many Vouchers as was posable here for y
Account which you will receive from Captain Ecuyer by this
Express. I am dear Sir with great Esteem and
Regard y' Most Humble Servant
George Croghan.
Carlisle, June 8, 1763.
Dear Sir
By this Express you will receive y' Inteligence of Mn
Colhoon by which it apears that y° Dalaways have all
declared against us, as you have known my opinion on this
head, some time ago, I need say Nothing now on ye subject
as it will not bear Laffing at as usual by his . I have
wrote Sir William Johnson and inclosed a Copy of y' Intelli-
gence which you will plese to forward.
Plese to acquaint Governor Hamilton that I have heard
this Evening that Col. Bird and Captain McKee have not
proceeded to dispossess the New England people having
received an account from Fort Augusta that y" Indians on
Susquehanna have summoned y' Garrison to remove or that
they would cut them off.
I will proceed tomorrow for Bedford and endeavour to get
some men to escort y' Powder and Lead up there.
I am D' S'
y Most Humble Servt
George Croghan.
igS CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
Shippensburgh, June ii, 1763.'
Yesterday and this Day a report prevailed in this County
that all the People in the Path Valley were murdered by the
Indians and their Houses burned, and that Fort Ligonier was
likewise taken and burned, the people in General was flying
from their Habitations but just now I received a letter from
Bedford by which I find that the Indians had not prevailed
against Ligonier, tho' they had fired some Shot at the Fort,
and two men is corhe from the Path Valley, who say that no
Indians has appeared there as yet but say the People there
are very much alarmed.
I have endeavoured to settle the minds of the People as
much as possible and most of them are returned to their
Houses.
As I was apprehensive that some scouting Party of Indians
might come down and burn Fort Lyttleton in order to shut
up the Communication and in order to quiet the Inhabitants
I have engaged twenty five Men at 45' per month with one
(officer) to command them, to garrison it for one month and
furnished Provisions and some Powder and Lead for them,
which I hope will meet with General Amhersts approbation
and requests the favour of you to make him acquainted with
it. If he should aprove of this step I hope he will (give
orders) for paying the expences or continuing them longer (as
he may) think proper. Tomorrow I set off with them to
Fort Lytleton, and request you will let me know the Generals
answer, that if the Expence of these Men (should fall on)
myself I may discharge them when the month is out.
The Justices of this County has been these three Days
endeavouring to get some Volunteers to escort the Powder
and Lead to Bedford, but could not get any. It is at Loudon
and I believe I shall be obliged to hire men there to escort it
' This document very much mutilated and stained.
BOUQUET PAPERS. 199
up. Pray mention these Expences to the General as it will
fall very heavy on me if he should not approve of it and pay
the expences. It appears to me from all the Letters I have
from Fort Pitt that no Indians seem to have committed any
Hostilities thereabouts but the Delawares, and from the
( ) speeches of the Beaver and his Council to Calhoun
it seems as if they intend to deny that they were conserned
with this great Breach of faith Should their ( ) miscarry
and not be able to accomplish their design and so solicit their
pardon. As to the Accounts of Detroit being attacked by
the Ottaways and Cheepaways we have nothing for it but
what the Delawares tell us and by all accounts from Susque-
hannah and Mr. Hunter's Letter to Col. Burd from Fort
Augusta it appears to me that the Susquehannah Indians
was not aquainted with the (combat) about the 2d or 3d of
this Month when a Delaware Indian brought the accounts
from Ohio to the great Island but it is probable that the
other nations will join the Delawares if they are successful
against the small out Posts and then no doubt they will fall
upon the Frontiers without they meet a sufficient check soon.
As to Detroit if those nations which the Delawares say had
attacked it prove so, it must fall, as the works are very large,
without the French engage heartily and assist the Troops,
which I fear they will not, as I have been convinced near
these twelve months past that the French at the Ilinois has
been spiriting up the Indians to cut off our out Posts ; all
which Intelligence you know I sent to General Amherst.
I had no doubt the French at Detroit were privately con-
cerned with the designs of the Ottaways and Cheepaways as
they have great influence over those Nations.
(Signature illegible.)
To Col. Henry Bouquet.
200 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
Fort Bedford, June 17, 1763.
Dear Sir
I just now received your favour of y' 14th. As the man
who carry s it to Carlisle is just setting off, I have only time to
acknowledge y' receipt of it. I wrote you from Shipensberge
y' eleventh, to which I must refer you for my opinion of the
Indians behaviour at this time till I hear from Fort Pitt ; as no
Express has come down this twelve days, I have reason to
think y' place is invested, so that none can safely escape them ;
but they can no longer continue there, in my opinion than
y" few cattle there abouts, which may fall into their way can
suport them. The Dallaways in my opinion are y° people
who has begun this Indian war, and if y' Ottaways and Cheep-
ways has attackt Detroit I believe it will be found that y°
French was acquainted with their designs. I imagine
y Dallaways will remove over y" Lakes or over the Missis-
sippi, perhaps this may be a stroke of Policy in the French
to get as many Indian Nations as they can to go to y' country
over Mississippi, which they have to people as well to make
themselves respectable with their Indian Allies as to secure
as much of the Indian Trade as they can. The Dallaways you
are sensible have not behaved so well as they did before Post
went among them, to his Majesty's Troops and since the last
Treaty at Lancaster, they may be said to have behaved with
insolence ; this you are well acquainted with and I wish y'
Quakers may not find that their interfering with Indian affairs
may have done more hurt to his Majestys Indian Interest and
given them a greater dislike to his troops than any settle-
ments that I or any other people have made there.
I am of opinion that if the Six Nations knew any thing
of this Eruption, they kept it secret in order to break off any
connections between us and y' Dallaways, as I am certain
they have been for some years past very jealous of the Dalla-
BOUQUET PAPERS. 201
ways being raised so high by y° Quakers of Philadelphia ; how-
ever time will evince to y° publick whether I have acted with
imprudence in my Department or not as far as I was limited.
I wish y* General would permit me to send one of those
Indians here for intelligence, as it is the only way left us to
find out who are concerned against us, for was I now at Fort
Pitt I could not have so good an opportunity.
I am dear Sir your most
Humble servant
George Croghan.
Off
>4
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF COL THOMAS
CRESAP.
October 31, 1750. — Colonel Thomas Cresap was the earliest
permanent settler in Western Maryland. H e established him-
self at Old Town in 1742 or 3. At the treaty made at Lan-
caster, Pennsylvania, with the Six Nations, in June, 1744, the
Chief Cannassatego in his speech said : " We are willing to
renounce all right to Lord Baltimore of all those Lands lying
two miles above the uppermost Fork of Potowmack or Cohon-
goruton river near which Thomas Cresap has a Hunting or
Trading Cabin, by a North line to the bounds of Pennsyl-
vania." '
Cresap's cabin or fort was on or near the site of an old town
of the Shawanese, a portion of that tribe inhabiting in and
about the northern part of the river Potomac from 1698 to
1728-9, when they removed to the Ohio and Allegheny and
placed themselves under the protection of the French.^ On
the map constructed by William Mayo for Lord Fairfax, in
1737, the bottom lands on this part of the Potomac are marked
" Old Shawnee fields deserted." Also on Fry and Jefferson's,
and Scull's maps. Its locality is marked on Dr. Mitchell's map
of 1755 " Shawnee Old Town." In the Table of Distances
to Ohio in 1754,'' the first is " New Store at the mouth of
Wills creek on Potomack to Cressaps fifteen miles." The
name Old Town is yet retained ; it is in Old Town District
' " Treaty at Lancaster with the Six Nations." " Colonial Records."
* " Report of Assembly, Journals of lyss"
' " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. II, p. 134.
(202)
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF COL. THOMAS CRESAP. 203
of Allegheny County, Maryland, fifteen miles southeast of
Cumberland, on the north side of the Potomac and opposite to
Green Spring station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway.
Colonel Thomas Cresap was a native of Skipton, in York-
shire, England. He emigrated to Maryland about the year
1720, when he was but fifteen years of age. He first settled
at Havre de Grace, at the mouth of the Susquehanna River.
Lord Baltimore, the Proprietary of Maryland, claiming to
extend the boundaries of that Province to the fortieth degree
of latitude, Cresap obtained a Maryland warrant for 500
acres, and about the year 173 1 removed to the locality of his
grant, over twenty miles north of the present boundary-line
between Pennsylvania and Maryland, at the ferry-landing op-
posite the " Blue Rock," about five miles below the present
town of Wrightsville, on the Susquehanna, in York County.
Cresap' s house is marked on Evans' map of Pennsylvania,
1749. His house was the most northerly situated of the
Maryland claimants, of whom he was the leader, being a man
of great strength, courage and indomitable resolution.
Violent and bloody collisions frequently occurred between the
Pennsylvanians and Marylanders. On November 24, 1736,
Cresap's house or fort was surrounded by an armed company
of twenty-three men, headed by the Sheriff of Lancaster
County with a judge's warrant.' After a sharp conflict
Cresap's capture was only effected by burning the house. He
was ironed, taken to Philadelphia and there imprisoned for
near two years. Reprisals by the authorities of Maryland
speedily followed.
This bitter border warfare was allayed by an order of the
King, in Council, May 25, 1738. The prisoners of both
Provinces were released and a provisional boundary-line es-
tablished in 1739." It continued to be the subject of protracted
*" Pennsylvania Archvies."
' " Pennsylvania Archives."
204 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
litigation between the Penns and Lord Baltimore before the
High Court of Chancery, in England. The controversy was
conclusively settled by amicable agreement and the running of
the famous Mason and Dixon's Line, in 1769, and its comple-
tion, in 1784. A full and complete history of this boundary
controversy would make a large but interesting volume.'
Col. Cresap was by nature well adapted for a leader in border
contests. He seemed as one "born unto trouble," certainly
he never shunned it. Originally a carpenter, afterwards a
surveyor, planter and Indian trader, as well as Indian fighter.''
He made an excellent map of the western boundary of Mary-
land for Lord Baltimore, which is now in the possession of
the Maryland Historical Society. Soon after his return from
captivity, in Philadelphia, in 1737 or 8, he removed to a tract
of land on the Antietam Creek, in the present Washington
County, Maryland, and engaged in the Indian trade and failed.
He then fixed his residence at Old Town, or Skipton, as he
named it. He was an agent for the Ohio Company and also
a member of it.' This Company made the first English
settlement at Pittsburgh, before Braddock's war ; and it was
through their means and efforts that the first road was made
through the Allegheny Mountains. The war placed Col.
Cresap in a perilous situation, and he removed his family to
Conococheague ; he had to fight his way, being attacked by a
' See the printed " Case of Messieurs Penn and the people of Pennsyl-
vania and the three lower Counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex on
Delaware, in relation to a series of Injuries and Hostilities made upon
them, for several years past, by Thomas Cresap and others by the Direc-
tion and Authority of the Deputy Governor of Maryland." To be heard
before the Honorable Lords of the Privy Council for Plantation affairs at
the Cockpit, White Hall, on Thursday 23d February 1737. "Colonial
Records." " Pennsylvania Archives."
^ " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. l,pp. 311-52.
•'' See " Sketch of the Ohio Company."
LETTER FROM THOS. JEFFERSON TO GEN. GIBSON. 20$
party of Indians. He soon raised a company of volunteers
and marched to attack the Indians ; his son, Thomas, was
killed in their first skirmish. Soon after, peace was made and
he returned to his farm at Old Town.
Col. Cresap's literary attainments were small, but by indus-
try and application he obtained a sufficient knowledge of sur-
veying to be entrusted with the surveyorship of Prince George's
County, and frequently represented his county in the Legis-
lature. When he was upwards of eighty he married for the
second time. He had five children — three sons and two
daughters. His youngest son was Michael, who was repre-
sented by Mr. Jefferson, most probably unjustly, " as infamous
for his many Indian murders and the massacre of Logan's
family." '
COPY OF ORIGINAL LETTER FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON
TO GENERAL JOHN GIBSON.
Presented by Gen. Gibson's Daughter to Wm. Robinson.
Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1797.
Dear Sir:
I took the liberty the last summer of writing to you from
hence, making some enquiries on the subject of Logan's Speech,
and the murder of his family, and you were kind enough in
your answer among other things, to correct the title of Cresap
who is said to have headed the party, by observing that he
was a Capt and not a Col. I trouble you with a second letter
asking if you could explain to me how Logan came to call him
Col. If you have favored me with an answer to this it has
' See " Biographical Sketch of the Life of the late Captain Michael Cre-
sap," by Jacobs.
206 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
miscarried, I therefore trouble you again on the subject, and
as the transaction must have been familiar to you, I will ask
the favor of you to give me the names and residence, of any
persons now living who you think were of Cresap's party, or
who can prove his participation in this transaction either by
direct evidence or from circumstances, or who can otherwise
throw light on the fact. A Mr Martin' of Baltimore has ques-
tioned the whole transaction, suggesting Logan's Speech to
be not genuine, and denying that either Col or Capt Cresap
had any hand in the murder' of his family. I do not intend to
enter into any newspaper contest with Mr Martin ; but in the
first republication of the notes on Virginia to correct the
Statement where it is wrong and support it where it is right.
My distance from the place where witnesses of the trans-
actions reside is so great, that it will be a lengthy and imper-
fect operation in my hands. Any aid you can give me in it
will be most thankfully received. I avail myself with great
pleasure of every occasion of recalling myself to your recol-
lection, and of assuring you of the sentiments of esteem and
attachment with which I am
dear Sir, your most obedt and
humble Servt
Th. Jefferson.
' Luther Martin, Attorney-General of Maryland, married a daughter of
Captain Cresap.
GENERAL JAMES GRANT,
OF BALLINDALLOCH.
An extensive landed estate, with a castle and village, at the
confluence of the Avon and Spey, Parish of Inveravon, Banff-
shire, Highlands of Scotland, where a large district of the
present counties of Elgin and Banff — ancient Morayshire —
was long known as the country of the Grants or people of
Strathspey, one of the most ancient Highland clans. The
chiefs and most of the clansmen were Whigs, and supporters
of the House of Hanover, in opposition to the Stuarts. After
studying law James Grant entered the army in 1 741, as En-
sign, at the age of twenty-two, and became Captain in the ist
Battalion, ist Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. In 1747 he
was appointed aid to General James St. Clair, Ambassador
to the Courts of Vienna and Turin. David Hume, the histor-
ian, was Secretary to the Embassy. Captain Grant served in
the wars in the Netherlands.
In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new
77th Regiment, ist Battalion, known as Montgomery High-
landers, commanded by Lieutenent-Colonel Archibald Mont-
gomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were ordered to
America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and arrived at Halifax,
America, in August.' Sailed for Charleston, South Carolina,
arriving there September 29th, having been ordered there with
a portion of the Royal Americans, in apprehension of an attack
by the French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regiment
arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina, and
' " Pennsylvania Gazette." " Scot's Magazine."
(107)
208 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
encamped beyond the new barracks. A few days afterwards
they were reviewed by General Forbes, in the presence of a
great number of people, who were highly gratified by the dis-
play, the fine militaryappearanceof the troops and the novelty
of their dress. General Forbes, in command of the Southern
Department, was engaged in assembling an army in Philadel-
phia, intended for the capture of Fort Du Quesne.
1758. — In September, Major Grant was sent with eight
hundred men to reconnoitre the fort. Dividing his force, to
draw the enemy into an ambuscade, he was himself surprised
and defeated, with a loss of a third of his party killed, wounded
and missing. Grant and nineteen officers were captured.' He
became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 40th Foot in 1760, and was
appointed Governor of East Florida. In 1761 he was des-
patched by General Amherst, with a force of thirteen hun-
dred Regulars, against the Indians of Carolina.'
Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his
nephew. Major William Grant. In 1772 he became Brevet-
Colonel ; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament for Wick-
burghs, and at the general election of the year after for
Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he was appointed Col-
onel of the S5th Foot. In 1776 Grant went as a Brigadier to
America, with the reinforcement under General Howe. He
commanded two British brigades at the battle of Long Island,
was employed by Lord Howe on special services in New
Jersey, accompanied the army to Philadelphia, and commanded
the 1st and 2d Brigades of British at the battles of Brandy-
wine and Germantown.'
In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off
Lafayette, but was unsuccessful. He commanded the force
1 See letter in " Fort Pitt."
' Cherokees.
' Letters of Grant.
GENERAL JAMES GRANT. 209
sent from New York to the West Indies, which captured St.
Lucia in December, 1778, and defended the island against an
attempt to recapture it, made by a French force under the
Count d'Estaing.
Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General
in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the 55th
to the nth Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in succession, of
Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was noted for his love
of good living and became immensely corpulent.
He died at Ballindalloch, April 13, 1806, in his eighty-sixth
year. Having no descendants his estate went to his grand-
nephew, George Macpherson, who assumed the surname of
Grant'
' Anderson's " Scottish Nation."
GUYASUTA (KIASUTHA.)
A Seneca chief, one of the Indians who accompanied
Washington from Logstown to Venango and LeBoeuf as a
guard in 1753, mentioned by Washington as the young
hunter and by Gist as a "young warrior." After the defeat
of Braddock the Indians generally went over to the French.
Guyasuta with a party of twenty Senecas visited Montreal
with Joncaire, the interpreter. At the castle of Montreal
the Indians were received in the council chamber with much
ceremony by the Governor of Canada, the Marquis de
Vaudreuil, and council. Guyasuta, chief and orator of the
Senecas, addressed Vaudreuil. They remained all winter in
the neighborhood, it being too late to return home. He was
with the Indians when they, with the French, defeated Grant,
in 1758.
Guyasuta, two other chiefs and sixteen warriors of the Six
Nations, a large number of Delawares, Shawanese and
Wyandots assembled at Pittsburgh in July, 1759, and held a
conference lasting a week, with George Croghan, Sir William
Johnson's Deputy Indian Agent, Colonel Hugh Mercer, com-
mandant, and the officers of Fort Pitt. Most of the Indians
had been allied to the French, and this was their first treaty
with the English subsequent to the capture of Fort Du
Quesne, in November preceding.
In August, 1762, at the conference with the western
Indians at Lancaster, Thomas King, in behalf of the chiefs
of the Six Nations in his speech before the council said :
" We want a little lad that lives among you ; he is Kiasuta's
(210)
GUYASUTA (KIASUTHA.) 211
(Guyasuta) son. The father ordered that he should live at
Philadelphia, in order to learn English, to be an interpreter.
We think by this time he has learned it, and we now think it
time for him to come home. His relations that are present,
desire that he may now go home with them." On August 27th,
the Governor replied : " The little boy, Kiasuta's son, is, I
hope, on his way here, having sent for him to Philadelphia."
At a treaty held at Fort Pitt, in May, 1768, Keyashuta
(Guyasuta) rose with a copy of the " Treaty of 1764 with Col.
Bradstreet" in his hand, and addressing the commissioners
said: "By this treaty we agreed that you had a right to
build forts and trading-houses where you pleased, and to
travel the road of peace from the sun rising to the sun setting.
At that treaty the Shawanese and Delawares were with me,
and know all this well, and I am surprised they should speak
to you as they did yesterday." He had been present at this
treaty with fifteen warriors, and was one of the orators ;
Turtle Heart, Custaloga, and Beaver were the others. He
desired the several nations " to be strong in complying with
their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach
of their former breach of faith, and convince their brothers
the English that they could speak the truth," adding that he
would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving
the prisoners.
On November 9, Col. Bouquet, attended by most of the
principal officers, went to the conference-house. The Senecas
and Delawares were. first treated with. Kiashuta and ten war-
riors represented the former ; Custaloga and twenty warriors
the latter. Kiashuta addressed the conference and was an-
swered by Col. Bouquet. In Washington's "Tour to the Ohio
in 1770" : " When encamped opposite the mouth of the Great
Hockhocking we found Kiasutha and his hunting party
encamped. Here we were under a necessity of paying our
212 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
compliments, as this person was one of the Six Nation chiefs
and the head of those upon this River. In the person of
Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one of the
Indians that went with me to the French in 1753."
May, 1774. — -A meeting was held at Col. Croghan's house,
Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White Mingo
and the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of the
orators.
July, 1776, he was present at a conference at Fort Pitt and
was one of the orators. He was in command of one of the
parties of Indians that in July, 1782, made the attack on
Hannastown and burned it.
THE SPEECH OF GUYASUTA,
An Ancient Chief of the Seneca Nation, on the Borders
OF Pennsylvania, as given in charge by him to one of
THE Sachems of that Nation in the Year 1790, to be
Delivered to the Friends of Philadelphia.
Brothers: The Sons of my beloved Brother Onas.' When
I was young and strong our country was full of game, which
the Good Spirit sent for us to live upon. The lands which
belonged to us were extended far beyond where we hunted.
I and the people of my nation had enough to eat and always
something to give to our friends when they entered our
cabins ; and we rejoiced when they received it from us ; hunt-
ing was then not tiresome, it was diversion ; it was a pleasure.
Brothers : When your fathers asked land from my nation,
we gave it to them, for we had more than enough. Guyasuta
was amongst the first of the people to say, " Give land to our
brother Onas for he wants it," and he has always been a
friend to Onas and to his children.
• Penn.
THE SPEECH OK GUYASUTA. 213
Brothers : Your fathers saw Guyasuta when he was young ;
when he had not even thought of old age or weakness ; but
you are too far off to see him, now he is grown old. He is
very old and feeble, and he wonders at his own shadow, it is
become so little. He has no children to take care of him,
and the game is driven away by the white people ; so that
the young men must hunt all day long to find game for them-
selves to eat ; they have nothing left for Guyasuta ; and it is
not Guyasuta only who is become old and feeble, there yet
remain about thirty men of your old friends, who, unable to
provide for themselves or to help one another, are become
poor and are hungry and naked.
Brothers: Guyasuta sends you a belt which he received
long ago from your fathers, and a writing which he received
but as yesterday from one of you. By these you will remem-
ber him and the old friends of your fathers in this nation.
Look on this belt and this writing, and if you remember the
old friends of your fathers, consider their former friendship
and their present distress ; and if the Good Spirit shall put
it in your hearts to comfort them in their old age, do not dis-
regard his council. We are men and therefore need only tell
you that we are old and feeble and hungry and naked; and
that we have no other friends but you, the children of our
beloved brother Onas.
THE TESTIMONY OF SIMON GIRTY.
To Colonel George Morgan.
On or about the 9th of November last I was sent by Gen-
eral Hand to Connewago, a Seneca Town on the Allegany
River, with a friendly Message to the Six Nations. I arrived
there the 14th of November and after executing my orders
waited there till the 24th of the Month. During my stay
there, Conengayote or the White Mingo, returned from Nia-
gara with a Horse load of Goods, which he told me he had
purchased for Horses he had stole from near Ligonier in Penn-
sylvania about the month of last, at which time he and
his Party killed four Men. On or about the 23d of November
Co, CO, caw, can, keteda or the Flying Crow, with twenty five
Warriors of the Senecas of the Turtle Tribe, among whom
were Joneowentashaun and Coneotahanck or the Leaf, (War
Chief) arrived at Connewago with two scalps, and a Woman
they had taken Prisoner about fifteen days before from near
Ligonier aforesaid. On conversing with her and with the
Indians, I was informed that the Indians had killed and scalped
her Husband, Forbes, and had beat out the brains of their
only Child against a Tree in the Road.
Kushgwehgo or Full Face, and twenty seven others of the
Senecas of the Eagle Tribe, had been to war against the
people of Pennsylvania East of the Alleghany Mountain (I
understood in Bedford County) ; they were out eighteen days
when I arrived at the Town ; they were daily expected back
(214)
THE TESTIMONY OF SIMON GIRTY. 215
when I came away. Two Prisoners the Senecas had taken
from Pennsylvania they had put to death in one of their
upper Towns.
Old Keyashuta (Guyasuta) is now among our warmest
Enemies. He and the others say they have been deceived or
treated ill at Fort Pitt, and that the Americans intend to cheat
them of their Lands, for which reason they have now deter-
mined to join the King of England's Troops agreeable to the
repeated Invitations of Col. Butler and the Commanding
Officer at Niagara &c, who have on that condition promised
to supply them and their women and children with every
necessary ; wherefore they were determined to exert them-
selves in committing Hostilities against the Frontier Inhabi-
tants early in the Spring, with all their Abilities and this I am
persuaded they will do unless Keyenguatah, (General Schuy-
ler's great Friend) who fought on the side of the English at
Fort Schuyler, should alter his conduct and order them to sit
still ; for they have agreed to be directed by him and so have
all the Six Nations. The Indians had not heard of General
Burgoyne's defeat or of his Army's being made Prisoners, nor
would they believe me when I informed them thereof. Keya-
shuta informed me that a Party of seventy two, consisting of
Indians and twenty five Whitemen from Detroit, and some
Delaware and Munsies from Guyahoga, had been to war
against the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania (I understand north
of Ligonier) and had taken two Scalps at a Fort near Con-
nemaugh, where they lost the Commanding Officer who was
killed from the Fort. Joneowentashaun told me the English
had lately erected a Store House at Guyahoga, to supply all
the Indians in that Neighbourhood with every necessary to
enable them to commit Hostilities against the Frontier In-
habitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia.
The Indians after consulting together, informed me that I
2l6 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
must go with them to Niagara, to which I pretended to con-
sent, and finding that to be their resolution I made my Escape
and arrived here the 27th of November.
In the presence of
John Boreman.
his
Simon X Girty.
mark.
Pittsburgh, January 17th, 1778.
The Chief Guyasuta's interest in the farm,* now in O'Hara
township, was purchased by General O'Hara. In a letter-book
of General O'Hara' s, mention is made of provision sent to
Guyasuta, who seems to have lived continuously at that farm
during his last years, and was buried there in the Indian
Mound, by General O'Hara. The name is spelled in many
ways — Kayashuta, Guyashutha, Guashota, Kia-shuta, Keya-
shuta, Kiyashuta, Kiasolo.
Mr. Craig writes in the "Olden Time": " We recollect
him well, have often seen him about our father's house, he
being still within our memory, a stout active man." There
is a picture of his grave in " Fort Pitt."
' The residence of the family of William M. Darlington. M. C. D.
TREATY OF LANCASTER.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on October 14, 1736, by
Thomas Penn, Governor and Proprietary of Pennsylvania,
James Logan, the President, and members of the Provincial
Council, with the Chiefs of the Six Nations, the Indians
requested that a letter be written to the Governors of Mary-
land and Virginia, requesting compensation for their lands
claimed by right of conquest, and upon which the white set-
tlers had intruded, along the Cohongoronto or Potomac, and
west of the great Allegheny mountain ridge, on the frontiers
of Virginia ; that being the boundary claimed by the Indians as
agreed upon with Governor Spotswood in 1722.' This demand
was renewed, and pressed by the Indians at the treaty held
at the same city in 1742; Canassetego, the great chief of the
Onondagas, saying that if not compensated for their lands,
they would take payment themselves.
The threatening attitude of the powerful Six Nations or
Iroquois, the war with France, and the necessity of conciliat-
ing the Indians, occasioned the famous Treaty of Lancaster,
in 1744, between the Confederated Tribes and the Prov-
inces of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania.'
Thomas Lee and Colonel William Beverly were the Com-
missioners of Virginia; Edmund Jenings, Philip Thomas,
Col. Robert King, and Col. Robert Colville, of Maryland.
Governor Thomas, of Pennsylvania, presided. (Thomas Lee
was Judge of the Supreme Court, and Councillor of State ;
' " New York Colonial History."
' " Colonial Records." Colden's " Twelve Nations."
»S (217)
2l8 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
William Beverly, Lieutenant of the county of Orange).^
There was a warm discussion, and on the part of the Indians
at least, a great display of eloquence.
The Virginia Commissioners said to the Chiefs : " Tell us
what Nations of Indians you conquered any lands from in
Virginia, how long it is since and what Possession you have
had ; and if it does appear, that there is any land on the Bor-
ders of Virginia that the Six Nations have a Right to we are
willing to make you satisfaction." The Chief, Tachanoontia,
proudly answered: "We have the Right of Conquest, a
Right too dearly purchased and which cost us too much Blood
to give up without any reason at all as you say we have done
at Albany. All the World knows we conquered the several
Nations living on the Susquehannah, Cohongoronto (Potomac)
and on the back of the great Mountains in Virginia. They
feel the effects of our conquests, being now a part of our
Nation and their lands at our disposal." He admitted that
the Virginia Colonists had conquered a certain tribe he
named and " drove back the Tuscaroras and on that account a
right to some part of Virginia ; but," he continued, " as to
what lies beyond the mountains we conquered the Nations
residing there ; and that land if the Virginians ever get a
good right to it, it must be by us."
The Commissioners replied, " that the great King holds Vir-
ginia by right of Conquest, and the bounds of that Conquest
to the westward is the great Sea." "Though great things are
well remembered among us," said the Indians, "yet we don't
remember that we were ever conquered by the Great King,
or, that we have been employed by that Great King to conquer
others ; if it was so, it is beyond our memory."
After much feasting, drinking, and bestowal of presents by
the whites, the Indians agreed to release their claim to what
' Virginia State Papers.
TREATY OF LANCASTER. 219
is now Western Maryland, to Lord Baltimore, "as far as two
miles above the uppermost Fork of the Potomac or Cohon-
goronto river near which Thomas Cresap has a Hunting or
Trading Cabin," (at Old Town, fourteen miles east of Cum-
berland), in consideration of ;^300, payable in goods. With
the Commissioners of Virginia they agreed for ;^200 in gold,
and goods to the value of /'aoo more, to " immediately make
a Deed recognizing the King's right to all the Lands that are
or shall be by His Majesty's appointment in the Colony of
Virginia," together with a written promise of further remun-
eration as settlements increased westward. With the Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania they confirmed former treaties and
received a present of goods to the value of .^300. The deeds
were signed and the money paid and the merchandise deliv-
ered.'
It was not until the year 1768 that the Six Nations, by the
Treaty at Fort Stanwix, relinquished all their rights to the
country on the east and south side of the Ohio River, from
the Cherokee River (Tennessee), to Kittanning, above Fort
Pitt, and also east of a specified line described in the deed,
continued to Wood Creek, near Fort Stanwix, in consider-
ation of the sum of ;^ 10,460. 7. 6. sterling. At the same time
it was agreed that no old claims under the treaties of Lan-
caster and Logstown should be allowed." It was after the
Treaty of Lancaster that large tracts of land were granted
to the Ohio Company.
' " Treaty of Lancaster," printed by Franklin, 1744.
^ " New York Colonial History."
OHIO COMPANY.
EXTRACT OF LETTER FROM COL. BURWELL, PRESI-
DENT OF THE COUNCIL AND COMMANDER-IN-
CHIEF OF VIRGINIA, AND OTHER LETTERS
TO THE BOARD OF TRADE.'
August 21, 175 1. — Notwithstanding the Grants of the
Kings of England, France or Spain, the Property of these
uninhabited Parts of the World must be founded upon prior
Occupancy according to the Law of Nature ; and it is the
seating and cultivating the soil and not the bare travelling
through a Territory that constitutes Right ; and it will be
politic and highly for the Interest of the Crown to encourage
the seating the Lands Westward as soon as possible to pre-
vent the French ; which I hope will be accomplished as the
Freedom and Liberty of our Government will so much sooner
invite into the British Colonies, Foreigners. We have not
been able to prevail with the northern Indians to come to
Fredericksburg to accept of his Majesty's Present, and the
Reason they offer is, the immense Distance and the Death of
several of their Great Men, which they attribute to the Jour-
neys they have taken to the Places where Conferences have
been held, but they acquaint us at the same Time that they
will meet any persons the Government think proper to send
to Log's Town, a Place not far from our back Inhabitants,
where they frequently hold their Councils ; this I communi-
' MSS. from Record Office, London.
(220)
OHIO COMPANY. 221
cated to his Majesty's Council, who with myself approved of
it, and this Fall I shall send a Messenger to acquaint them
that I purpose next May to send Commissioners to meet
them at the Place they desire ; and at the Conference I shall
endeavour to obtain a confirmation of the Grant of the Lands
made to his Majesty at the Treaty of Lancaster, in Order to
give the Company an Opportunity of surveying the large
Tract of Land his Majesty was pleased to grant to them. I
shall at the same Time, make a remonstrance to them of the
inhuman treatment they have shewn to some of our back In-
habitants, by robbing and plundering their houses, and last
June because a poor woman would not with patience see her
House robbed of every thing in it, they in a most horrible
Manner murdered her. These outrages have been committed
upon our shewing too much lenity to them, and will be a
means of drawing upon ourselves much more ill Treatment
if not properly resented, and therefore in as mild Terms as is
consistent with the nature of the thing I shall insist that the
offenders be given up to Justice.
FROM COL. LEE.»
Williamsburg, June 12, 1750.
My Lords:
I have lately received a letter from the Governor of New
York dated the 8th of April, proposing my prevailing with
the Catawbas, an Indian Nation bordering on the Carolinas,
to meet the Six Nations at Albany to confirm the peace
Governor Sir William Gooch made between them, which
has been broke by both Parties, and further the French are
' MSS. from Record Office, London. Letter from Col. Lee, President
of the Council and Commander-in-Chief of Virginia.
222 CHRISTOPHER GISTS JOURNALS.
at this time assiduous in their Endeavours to incite the several
Nations that are dependent on, and friends to the English, to
a war with one another, and make large presents to the Indians
on the Ohio. I have accounts from other hands that the
French have endeavoured to persuade those Indians to drive
the English Traders from thence, which being refused, the
French threaten to treat them as enemys, so that the Mohocks
expect a war with their Father Onantio ; as they call the Gov-
ernor of Quebec' I have received His Majesty's present for
the Indians of the Six Nations, and several of their Tribes on
the Ohio, and have taken the best methods I could think of, to
bring those Nations to Fredericksburg in their Colony, and I
have invited the Catawbas to meet them, to make a peace
personally, which has never been done yet, and is the reason
that it has been of no effect. When the Indians hearts and
Eyes are Open, on receiving the King's present, I hope to
secure their affections to the British Interest in General, and
persuade them to be friends, and faithful subjects to His
Majesty, and as this is the antientiest and most central Colony,
it will save an expence by having future treatys here, espe-
cially, when the business to be transacted relates to the
affairs of this Colony."
EXTRACT FROM REPORT OF MR. JOSHUA FRY TO
HON. LEWIS BURWELL.
In the year 1609 a new charter was obtained (for Virginia)
in which all the Lands, Countries and Territories were granted
in that part of America called Virginia, from the Cape or Point
Comfort, two hundred miles Northward, and two hundred
miles southward along the sea-coast ; and all that space and
' " Cfleron's Expedition."
OHIO COMPANY. 22$
circuit of land, lying from the sea-coast of the Precinct afore-
said up into the main Land throughout from sea to sea west
and north west, and also all the Islands lying within one hun-
dred miles along the coast of both seas.
The French claimed the Lands along the Mississippi.
Monsieur de la Sale was the first Frenchman, that discovered
the Mississippi, who in the year 1682, with Monsieur de Tonti
and others from Montreal travelled through the Nation of the
Iroquois, called now the Six Nations, to a nation of Indians
named Illinois, living on an east Branch of Mississippi, of the
same name with the Nation, but he called it Seigne bay. On
this river he built a Fort, which he named Lewis, according
to Tousels account, but Hennepin calls it Crevecoeur.
Monsieur de la Sale went down this river to the Mississippi
and down it to the mouth, which he found to be in the Bay of
Mexico. He then returned by Canada to France, and obtained
from the King ships and men in the year 1684 to discover
the Mouth of the Mississippi by sea, but he missed it, and
landed on the Continent to the south west. From thence he
made some journeys into the country to look for the river, but
was murdered by some of his own men without finding it. In
the year 1742 one John Howard received a commission from
our Governor to make discoveries westward, and with four or
five others set out from the branches of James river, and came
to the New river. There they made a Boat with Buffaloes
Hides, and went down, till they found the river impassable on
account of Falls. Leaving it they travelled south westerly a
considerable way to another river, which proved to be a south
branch of the New river, for they made another boat and went
down to that river, and with it to the Allegany' river.
Howard and his men proceeded down this river a long way,
by their reckoning above eight hundred miles, to the Missis-
sippi, and went down it a great way till they were surprised
' Ohio.
224 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
by about ninety men, French, Indians and Negroes; were
made Prisoners and carried to New Orleans. They set out
from the branches of the James river March the i6th, came to
Allegany May the 6th, to Mississippi June the 7th and were
taken July the 2d. In all this time and large tract of country
they had seen nobody till they were taken, but about fifteen
Indians in several Companies and they too were chiefly if not
all of the Northern Nations.
John Peter Salley, one of the men who went with Howard,
mentions in his Journal three French Towns on an Island in
the Mississippi above the mouth of the Owabache.
Howard and his men had been confined a long time at New
Orleans, when after the French War broke out he and one or
two of them were shipped for France, but on the Voyage
were taken by an English Ship, and carried to London. The
rest of them made their escape out of prison, and through
great difficulties got to South Carolina, and thence to Virginia.
The first Peace the Colony of Virginia made with the In-
dians was at Albany by Col. Coursey in the year 1677, which
after some breach made by the Indians was renewed in the
year 1679 by Col. Kendal, and again in 1684 by Lord Howard,
Governor of Virginia. This peace was soon broken and re-
newed by Col. William Byrd and Col. Edmond Jennings in
the year 1685. When we began to take up Lands and settle
beyond the Blue Ridge, the Six Nations grew uneasy ; the
Indians claimed the Land as theirs. This brought on the
Treaty of Lancaster in the year 1744.
OHIO COMPANY.
In 1748 John Hanbury, a Merchant of London, Thomas Lee,
President of the Council of Virginia, with a number of others,
mostly prominent Virginians, formed the " Ohio Company."
' Copied from the Mercer Papers, which belonged to the Ohio Company.
\
OHIO COMPANY. 22$
The King granted them two hundred thousand Acres of Land,
to be taken on the South side of the river Allegheny, other-
wise the Ohio, between the Kiskiminites Creek and Buffalo
Creek, and between Yellow Creek and Cross Creek, on the
North side ; or in such other part of the Country west of the
Allegheny Mountains as they should think proper, on Condi-
tion that they should settle one hundred families thereon
within seven years, and erect and maintain a Fort. On com-
pliance therewith, the Company was to become entitled to
Three hundred thousand Acres more, adjoining the first grant.
The Company bought and sent out a large Cargo of goods
from England in 1749-50, and built a Store House opposite
the mouth of Wills Creek, now Cumberland, Maryland, from
which place to Turkey Foot, or the Three forks of the Youg-
hioghany, they had a road opened in 175 1. In 1750 they
employed Christopher Gist to explore and examine the Coun-
try west of the Mountains. He was a Native of Maryland,
like his Father Richard, a Surveyor. A man of excellent
character, energetic, fearless and a thorough woodsman.
OHIO COMPANY.— SECOND PETITION.
Members of the Ohio Company.
Arthur Dobbs Esqr Ex'' of Law" Washington
John Hanbury Augus" Washington
Samuel Smith Richard Lee
James Wardrop Nath""' Chapman.
Capel Hanbury Jacob Giles
Robert Dinwiddle Esq' Thomas Cresap
The Exec, of Thomas Lee late John Mercer
President and Governor of Vir- James Scott
ginia 2 shares Robert Carter
John Taylor Esq George Mason
Prestly Thornton Esq
226
CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
To THE Kings most Excellent Majesty in Council.
The Humble Petition of the Ohio Company Sheweth,
That your Petitioners upon Intimation given by several
Nations of Indians residing near the Ohio and other Branches
of Mississippi and near the Lakes westward of Virginia, that
they were desirous of trading with your Majesty's Subjects
and quitting the ffrench ; and knowing the vahie of those
Rich Countrys which were given up and acknowledged to be
your Majesty's undoubted right by the Six Nations, who are
LawfuU Lords of all these Lands by Conquest from other
Indian Nations, at the treaty of Lancaster on the 2'"' day of
July 1744. Your petitioners being sensible of the vast con-
sequence of securing those Countrys from the ffrench, did in
the year 1748, form themselves into a Company to Trade with
the Indians and to make settlements upon the Ohio or Alle-
ghany River, by the name of the Ohio Company. That the
Company in the beginning of the year 1749 Petitioned your
Majesty, wherein they set forth the vast Advantage it would
be to Britain and the Colonys to anticipate the French by
taking possession of that Country Southward of the Lakes, to
which the French had no Right, nor had then taken possession,
except a small Block house Fort among the Six Nations, be-
low the falls of Niagara, they having deserted Le Detroit fort
Northward of Erie Lakes, during the War and retired to
Canada.
The Reasons for securing the same being mentioned at
large in their said former Petition, and in which they prayed
that your Majesty would give orders or Instructions to your
Governor of Virginia, to make out to your Petitioners five
hundred thousand Acres betwixt Romanittoe and Buffaloe
Creeks on the South side of the Allegany or Ohio River, and
between the two Creeks and Yellow Creek on the North side
OHIO COMPANY, 22/
of that River, upon the Terms and with the Allowance there-
in mentioned to which they beg leave to Refer.
That your Petitioners in pursuance of the said Petition,
obtained an order from your Majesty to your Lieutenant Gov-
ernor of Virginia dated March the i8th 1749, to make them a
grant or Grants of Two hundred thousand Acres of Land be-
tween Romanetto and Buffaloe Creeks, on the south side of the
Ohio, and betwixt the two creeks and Y.ellow Creek on the
North side thereof, or in such part to the Westward of the
Great Mountains as the Company should think proper for
making settlements and extending their trade with the Indians,
with a Promise if they did not erect a Fort in the said Land,
and maintain a sufficient Garrison therein and seat at their
proper Expense a hundred families therein in seven years, the
said grants should be void. And as soon as these terms were
accomplished, he was ordered to make out a further Grant or
Grants of three hundred thousand Acres, under like Conditions,
Restrictions and allowances as the first 200,000 Acres, adjoin-
ing thereto and within these limits. These orders were de-
livered to the Honourable'William Nelson on the 12th of July
following (1749) and upon producing them before the Gov-
ernor and Council, they made an entry in the Council Books,
that the said Company should have leave given them to take
up and survey 200,000 Acres within the Place mentioned in
your Majestys said Instructions and Order. That your Peti-
tioners upon their entry in the Council Books, sent to Great
Britain for a Cargo of Goods to begin their Trade, and pur-
chased Lands upon the Potomack River, being the most
convenient place to erect Store Houses, and in September
following (1749) employed Gentlemen to discover the Lands
beyond the Mountains, to know where to place their surveys.
But they not having made any considerable progress, the
Company in September 1750 agreed to give Mr. Christopher
228 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
Gist ;^I50 certain, and such further handsome allowance as
his service should deserve, for searching and discovering the
Lands upon the Ohio and its several Branches as low as the
falls on the Ohio, with proper Instructions. He accordingly
set out October 1750 and did not return until May 1751, after
a tour of 1200 Miles in which he visited many towns and found
them all desirous of entering into strict friendship and Trade
with your Majestys Subjects.
That your Petitioners at their General Meeting in May 1 75 1 ,
judging it necessary for their Trade and passage to the Ohio,
to have a Grant of some Land belonging to Maryland and
Pennsylvania, wrote to Mr. Hanbury to apply for the same to
the Proprietors, and laid out and opened a wagon road thirty
feet wide from their Store house at Wills Creek, to the three
branches on Ganyangaine River, computed to be near Eighty
Miles ; and applied to the President and Masters of William
and Mary College for a Commission to a Surveyor to lay out
the Lands, as they pretend they had a right to do, proposing
to begin the survey after receiving Mr. Gists Report.
Your Petitioners finding by the said Gists Journal that he
had only observed the Lands on the North side of the Ohio,
and finding that the Indians were unwilling that they should
then settle on the Miami River, or on the north side of the Ohio,
and the Land lying too much exposed and at too great a dis-
tance. They employed the said Gist to go out a second time
to view and examine the land between Mohongaly and the
Big Conhaway, Wood or New River on the south East side of
the Ohio, which employed him from the 4th of November
175 1 to the March following 1752 ; but he could not finish his
Plan and report before October 1752, at which time the Com-
pany gave in a Petition to the Governor and Council, praying
leave to survey and take up their first 200,000 Acres between
Romanettoes, otherwise Kiskominettos Creek, and the fork of
OHIO COMPANY. 229
the Ohio and the great Conhaway, otherwise New River,
otherwise Woods river, on the south side of the river Ohio in
several Surveys. The Governor and Council having not
thought fit to comply with the prayer of the said Petition, to
allow your Petitioners to survey their Lands in different Tracts
as would best accomodate the settlers and secure their fron-
tiers from attacks, the President and Masters of the College
also refusing to give out a Commission to a Surveyor ; and
the late Governor and Council having made out large Grants
to private persons Land-gobbers, to the amount of near
1,400,000 Acres. Immediately, even the same day, after your
Majestys Instructions for ipaking out your Petitioners Grant
and Surveys, became publicly known where the Lands were
not properly described or Limited, nor Surveyed, by which
means their several Grants might have interfered with the
Lands discovered and chosen by the Company, your Peti-
tioners now laid under difficultys in surveying and letting
• their Lands and Erecting the fort, tho' your Petitioners have
been at very great Expence and are willing to be at a much
greater, to secure those valuable Countrys and the Indian
Trade. That your Petitioners apprehend from these Ob-
structions, and the Delay and Expence attending Surveys, and
from the suits that may be commenced upon account of the
Grants made out to other Persons since the Instructions given
by your Majesty to grant to your Petitioners the Land men-
tioned in the said Instructions which may occasion longer
Delays. The Company may be prevented from fulfilling their
Covenant of settling the Lands and Compleating their Fort
in the time specified by the said Contract. And as boundaries
to large Grants are much more natural and easy to be ascer-
tained by -having Rivers for their Limits, and streight Lines
or Mountains to connect them from River to River, and at
much less ExpenCe and delay in fixing them. Therefore your
230 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
petitioners pray, that upon Condition your Petitioners shall
enlarge their settlements and seat 300 families, instead of one
hundred by their former Contract, and in consideration of
their erecting two forts, one at Chartiers Creek and the other
at the Fork where the great Conhaway enters the Ohio and
maintain them at their own expence. That your Majesty will
be graciously pleased to enlarge their Grant under the same
Exemption of Rights and Quit Rents as in the former In-
structions, and to fix the Bounds without any further delay or
Survey, from Romanettos or Kiskomenetto Creek on the
South East side of the Ohio, to the Fork at the entrance of
the great Conhaway River ; and from thence along the North
side of the said Conhaway River to the Entrance of Green
Briar River, and from thence in a streight Line or Lines along
the Mountains to the South East Spring of Mohangaly River ;
and from thence Northward along the Mountains to the
North East springs of Romanetto or Kiskominetto Creek, or
till a West Line from the Mountains intersect this said Spring
and along it to its entrance into the Ohio ; which will prevent
all Disputes or Delays about the Limitts which are necessary
to be immediately determined, as the season is advancing to
procure foreign Protestants and other of your Majestys sub-
jects to go on with the settlement, and to provide materials to
erect the second Fort at the mouth of the great Conhaway
River, (the Fort on Chartiers Creek being now building) in
order to prevent the Intrusions and incroachments of the In-
dians in the French aliance and secure our settlements upon
the Ohio ; which if not immediately put in Execution before
they get permission may be highly detrimental to the Colonys
and occasion a great future Expence to Britain.
And your Petitioners will ever pray etc.
The Lords of the Committee referred the petition to the
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to consider
thereof and Report their opinion thereupon to the Committee.
OHIO COMPANY. 23 1
The Petition was granted by King and Council. At a
meeting of the Company held at Stafford Court House, some
of the Members resigned and George Mason was received.
They advised Mr. Hanbury of the proceedings of the meeting,
and desired him to offer the Duke of Bedford a share, if he
chose to be concerned, upon the terms of the Association.
As Mr. Hanbury had wrote us that we were obliged to his
Grace for his Assistance in obtaining his Majesty's Instruc-
tion, and his declaration of the advantage he conceived it
would be of to Great Britain and this colony, for that not-
withstanding we expected a great deal of interested opposition
and should think ourselves happy in having such a patron at
the head of the Company. They then agreed with H. Parker
for the carriage of all their goods from the falls of Potomack
to their general factory on the River Ohio, and authorized
Col. Cresap to have a road opened to those places. They de-
sired the Ohio Indians might be invited to a Treaty, and an
Interpreter might be employed by Virginia, and Mr. Parker
their factor be put in the commission of the Peace for Augusta
County. George Mason was appointed Treasurer.
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO CHRISTOPHER GIST BY THE
OHIO COMPANY, APRIL 28th, 1752.
Whereas the Governor has been pleased to grant you a
commission empowering and requiring you to go as an agent
for the Ohio Company to the Indian Treaty to be held at Logs
Town on the i6th day of May next. You are therefore desired
to acquaint the chiefs of the several nations of Indians there
assembled, that his Majesty has been graciously pleased to
grant unto the Hon. Robert Dinwiddie Esq', Governor of Vir-
ginia, and to several other gentlemen in Great Britain and
232 CHRISTOPHER GISX's JOURNALS.
America, by the name of the Ohio Company, a large quantity
of Land on the river Ohio and the Branches thereof, thereby
to enable and to encourage the said company and all his
Majesties subjects, to make settlement and carry on an exten-
sive Trade and commerce with their Brethren the Indians,
and to supply them with Goods at a more easy rate than they
have hitherto bought them. And considering the necessities
of his children the Six Nations, and the other Indians to the
Westward of the English settlements, and the hardship they
labor under for want of a due supply of Goods and to remove
the same as much as possible, his Majesty has been pleased to
have a clause inserted in the said Companies Grant obliging
them to carry on a trade and commerce with their Brethren
the Indians, and has granted them many privileges and immun-
ities in consideration of their carrying on the said trade, and
supplying the Indians with Goods; that the said Company
have accordingly begun the Trade and imported large quan-
tities of goods, but have found the expence and Risque of carry-
ing out the Goods without assistance from the Inhabitants, not
having any place of safety by the way to lodge them at, or op-
portunity of getting provisions for their people, so great that
they cannot afford to sell their Goods at so easy a rate as they
would willingly do ; nor are they at such a distance able to
supply their Brethren the Indians at all times when they are in
want. For which reason the company find it absolutely neces-
sary, immediately to cultivate and settle the Land his Majesty
has been pleased to grant them, which to be sure they have an
indisputable right to do. As our Brethren the Six Nations sold
all the Land to the Westward of Virginia at the Treaty of
Lancaster to their Father the King of Great Britain, and he
has been graciously pleased to grant a large quantity thereof
to the said Ohio Company, yet, being informed that the Six
Nations have given their Friends the Delawares leave to hunt
OHIO COMPANY. 233
upon the said Lands, and that they still hunt upon part there-
of themselves, and as the settlements made by the English
upon the said land may make the Game scarce, or at least
drive it further back, the said Company therefore to prevent
any difference or misunderstanding, which might possibly
happen between them and their Brethren the Indians touch-
ing the said Lands, are willing to make them some further
satisfaction for the same and to purchase of them the Land
on the east side of the river Ohio and AUagany as low as the
great Canhaway providing the same can be done at a reason-
able Rate ; and our Brethren the Six Nations and their Allies
will promise and engage their Friendship and protection to
all his Majesties subjects settling on the said Lands. When
this is done the Company can safely venture to build Factories
and Store Houses upon the river Ohio, and send out large
Cargoes of Goods which they cannot otherwise do, and to
convince our Brethren the Indians how desirous we are of
living in strict Friendship and becoming one people with them,
You are hereby empowered and required to acquaint and
promise our Brethren, in the name and on behalf of the said
Company, that if any of them incline to take land and live
among the English, they shall have any of the said company's
Land upon the same Terms and conditions as the white peo-
ple have, and enjoy the same privilidges which they do as far
as is in the Company's power to grant.
And that you may be the better able to acquaint our Breth-
ren the Indians with these our proposals you are to apply to
Andrew Montour the interpreter for his assistance therein,
and the Company hereby undertake and promise to make him
satisfaction for the trouble he shall be at. If our Brethren
the Six Nations approve our proposals the Company will pay
them whatever sum you agree with them for, and if they want
any particular sort of Goods, you are to desire them to give
i6
234 CHRISTOPHER GISX'S JOURNALS.
you an account of said Goods and the Company will imme-
diately send for them to England, and when they arrive will
carry them to what ever place you agree to deliver them at.
If our Brethren the Indians do not approve these proposals
and do refuse their protection and assistance to the subjects
of their Father the King of Great Britain, you are forthwith to
make a return thereof to the said Ohio Company, that they
may inform his Majesty thereof.
You are to apply to Col. Cresap for what Wampum you
have occasion of on the Companys account for which you are
to give him a receipt. You are to apply to him for one of the
Companies Horses to ride out to the Loggstown.
As soon as the Treaty is over, you are to make an exact re-
turn of all your proceedings to the Company.
Given under my hand in behalf of the said Ohio Company
the 28* day of April 1752.
George Mason Treasurer
ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN CHRISTOPHER
GIST.^
Upon your arrival at the Treaty if you find that the com-
missioners do not make a general Agreement with the In-
dians on behalf of Virginia for the settlement of the Land
upon the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi, or that in such
agreement there are any doubtful or ambiguous expressions
which may be prejudicial to the Ohio Company, you are then
to endeavour to make purchase of the Lands to the Eastward
of the Ohio River and Allagany, and procure the Friendship
and protection of the Indians in settling the said Lands upon
the best terms you can for a quantity of Goods.
' From Records and Minutes of the Ohio Company.
OHIO COMPANY. 235
You are to agree with them to deliver the said goods at the
most convenient place you can, if possible at the Forks of the
Mohongaly, if the Indians give you a list of Goods which
they desire to be sent for in return for their Lands, you are
to enquire and to find out as near as you can the usual price
of such Goods among the Indians, that we may be as near
the sum you agree with them for as possible.
You are to engage Andrew Montour the Interpreter in the
Company's Interest and get him to assist you in making a
purchase of the Indians, and as the Company have great
dependance and confidence in the said Andrew Montour, they
hereby not only promise to make him satisfaction for the
trouble, but if he can make an advantageous bargain for them
with the Indians, they will in return for his good offices, let
him have a handsome settlement upon their land without
paying any purchase money, upon the same Terms which the
said Company themselves hold the Land, and without any
other consideration than the King's Quit rents.
If you can obtain a Deed or other written agreement from
the Indians, it must be taken in the names of the Honb"
Robert Dinwiddie Esq', Governor of Virginia, John Han-
bury Esqr. of the City of London, Merch', Capel Hanbury
of the said city of London Merch', John Tayloe, Presly
Thornton, Philip Ludwell Lee, Thomas Lee, Richard Lee,
Guwin Corbin, John Mercer, George Mason, Lawrence Wash-
ington, Augustus Washington, Nathaniel Chapman Esquires
and James Scott Clerk, all of the Colony of Virginia. James
Wardrop, Jacob Giles and Thomas Cresap esqrs of the prov-
ince of Maryland and their Associates, members of the Ohio
Company ; in the said agreement or Deed You are to mention
the Bounds of the Land as expressly as possible, that no dis-
pute may arise hereafter. And we would have the Indians
clearly understand what Land they sell us, that they may have
236 CHRISTOPHER GIST'S JOURNALS.
no occasion to complain of any Fraud or underhand dealings,
as is often the custom with them. The said Ohio Company
do hereby agree and oblige themselves to make you satisfac-
tion for the Trouble and expence you shall be at in Transact-
ing their affairs at the said Treaty, pursuant to the Instruc-
tions by them given to you. Given under my hand in behalf
of the Ohio Company this 28th day of April 1752.
George Mason, Treas'.
If Col Cresap has not agreed with any person to clear a
Road for the Company, you are with the advice and assist-
ance of Col. Cresap to agree with the proper Indians, who
are best acquainted with the ways, immediately to cut a road
from Wills Creek to the Fork of Mohongaly at the cheapest
Rate you can for Goods, and this you may mention publicly
to the Indians at the Loggs Town or not as you see occasion.
George Mason, Treas'.
At a meeting of the Committee of the Ohio Company at
Stratford in Westmoreland County, the 25th of July, 1753,
and continued to the 26th and 27th of the same month
" Resolved that tis absolutely necessary that the Company
should immediately erect a Fort for the security and protec-
tion of their Settlement on a hill just below Shurtees' Creek
upon the south east side of the river Ohio ; that the walls of
the said Fort shall be twelve feet high, to be built of sawed or
hewen logs, and to enclose a piece of ground ninety feet square,
besides the four Bastions at the corners of sixteen feet square
each, with houses in the middle for stores. Magazines &c.
according to a plan entered in the Company's Books. That
Col. Cresap, Capt. Trent, and M' Gist, be appointed and
authorized on behalf of the Company to agree with labourers,
Carpenters and other workmen, to build and complete the
' Chartiers.
OHIO COMPANY. 237
same as soon as possible and employ hunters to supply them
with Provisions, and agree with some honest industrious man
to overlook the workmen and labourers as Overseer, and that
they be supplied with flour, salt and all other necessaries at
the Companys expence. That all the Land upon the hill
on which the said Fort is to be built be appropriated to
the use of the said Fort, and that two hundred acres of
land exclusive of streets be layed off for a town convenient
and adjoining to the said Fort lands, in squares of two
acres each, every square to be divided into four lots so
that every Lot may front two streets, if the ground will so
admit, and that all the streets be of convenient width, that
twenty of the best and most convenient squares be reserved
and set apart for the Company's own use, and one square to
build a School on for the education of Indian children and such
other uses as the Company shall think proper and that all the
rest of the lots be disposed of."
Mr. George Mason having informed the Committee that he
has written to M' Hanbury for twenty swivel guns and other
arms and ammunition for the use of the Fort
" Resolved that the committee do approve of the same and
that the said arms and ammunition as soon as they arrive be
delivered to Captain Trent the Company's Factor in order to
be sent out to Shurtees Creek."
At a Meeting of the Committee of the Ohio Company,
November 2d, 1753,
"Agreed and Ordered that each member of the Company
pay to M' George Mason their Treasurer, the sum of twenty
pounds current money for building and finishing the Fort at
Shurtees Creek, Grubing and clearing the road from the
Company's store at Wills Creek to the Mohongaly, which are
to be finished with the utmost dispatch and for such other
purposes as shall be directed by the Company."
238 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
The proposed fort was not built. There was some doubt
as to whom the Forks of the Ohio belonged — by consent of
the Penns, Governor Dinwiddie sent Captain Trent's Company
to build a Fort there. The Fort was commenced under the
direction of Ensign Ward. On the 17th of April, 1754, Cap-
tain Contrecoeur descended the Allegheny with a considerable
force of French and Indians and summoned Ward to surrender
his unfinished work. Resistance was out of the question, he
surrendered. Contrecoeur finished the Fort and called it Du-
quesne.
July 9, 1755. — Gen. Braddock was defeated by the French
and Indians under the command of Captain Beaujeu. Beau-
jeu was killed and Captain Dumas was the Commander
from the time of Beaujeu's death to the latter part of the
following year, 1756 or early in 1757, when he was transferred
to Canada, and served in the operations against Fort William
Henry. Montcalm mentioned him in his dispatches as "an
officer of great distinction." His merits were fully recog-
nized by the French Governor.
He was Major of Brigade at the Siege of Quebec, and after
his return to France in 1761 was appointed Governor of the
Mauritius and Isle of Bourbon.'
General Grant was defeated by the French and Indians
before Fort Duquesne, October, 1758. November, 1758, Gen-
eral Forbes' army advanced and found the Fort in flames.
The French escaped by the river.
Fort Duquesne having been destroyed it was determined
to erect a small work, to be occupied by two hundred men.
A small square stockade, with a bastion at each angle, was
erected on the bank of the Monongahela between Liberty and
West Streets. Col. Mercer was left in command.
Fort Pitt was built in 1759-60. Its eastern boundary ex-
^ Garneau, Histoire du Canada.
OHIO COMPANY. 239
tended nearly to the present Third (formerly Marbury) and
West Streets. The Fort had two powder magazines under
ground, built with heavy timber and covered with tarred
cloth and earth. One of them was brought to light near the
corner of Liberty and Marbury or Third Street in 1855, when
excavations were made for the Depot of the Pennsylvania
Railroad Company.
In 1763 Fort Pitt was invested by the Indians while Cap-
tain Ecuyer was in command. January 5, 1769, a warrant
was issued for a survey of the Manor of Pittsburgh, which was
made on the 27th of March. Fort Pitt was kept up until 1772,
after which a Corporal and a few men only were continued
at the Fort.'
October, Major Charles Edmonstone, Commander of the
Fort, sold to Alexander Ross and William Thompson, all the
pickets, brick, stones, timber and iron in the buildings, walls
and redoubts of the Fort. After several houses had been
built of the material the sale was set aside. 1773, Richard
Penn advised a small garrison to be kept at Fort Pitt as a
protection from the Indians. Its demolition had been ordered
by General Gage. The boundary between Virginia and
Pennsylvania not having been settled, in 1774 John Conolly,
by orders of Lord Dunmore, took possession of the ruins.
1 78 1, General Irvine, in a letter to Washington, speaks of
Fort Pitt as a heap of ruins and that at best it was a bad
situation for defence. He recommends the mouth of Char-
tiers Creek (Shurtees) for a Post. The redoubt built by
Bouquet still remains.'
1781, Col. John Conolly, who formerly lived upon the Ohio,
and was arrested in 1775, after his exchange proceeded to
Quebec, and proposed " with all the refugees he can collect at
■ See Fort Pitt.
^ Letter of General Irvine.
240 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
New York, he is to join Sir John Johnson in Canada, and
they are to proceed with their united forces to attack Fort
Pitt."
Note. — The Redoubt built by Bouquet is now owned by
the Pittsburgh Chapter of the "Daughters of the American
Revolution" ; it having been recently given to them by Mrs.
Schenley, the granddaughter of General James O'Hara, from
whom she inherited it. A large portion of the ground for-
merly occupied by Fort Pitt was bequeathed by General
O'Hara to his daughter Mary Carson O'Hara, who married,
after her father's death, William Croghan, Esq., son of Major
William Croghan of Kentucky. Major Croghan was a
cousin of George Croghan, who took so prominent a part in
Indian affairs.
WALPOLE GRANT.
Samuel Wharton was a member of the mercantile firm
of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, extensively engaged in the
Indian Trade, having storehouses at Fort Pitt and other places
in the Indian Country westward. In 1763 the sudden out-
break of the western Savages, known as the Pontiac war,
occurred ; the Traders were plundered of their merchandise
and other property ; twenty-four of them lost goods valued
at ;^85,9i6. 10. 6. New York Currency. Baynton, Wharton
and Morgan were the heaviest sufferers.
To compensate the Traders for their loss, the Six Nations,
at the Treaty held at Fort Stanwix (now Rome, New York),
on May 3, 1768, conveyed to them by deed an immense tract
of land bordering on the Ohio River above the Little Kanhawha,
comprising about one-fourth of the present State of West
Virginia. To their Grant the Traders gave the name of
Indiana.
In 1769 a company was formed in London, consisting of
Thomas Walpole, an eminent banker (brother of Horatio,
Lord Walpole), Samuel Wharton, Benjamin Franklin, John
Sargent, Governor Thomas Pownall,— and other gentlemen
both in England and America, — for the purpose of buying from
the Crown a portion of the vast country on the Ohio ceded to
the King by the Six Nations the preceding year at the Treaty
of Fort Stanwix, and also to form a New Province or Govern-
ment west of Virginia. The five persons above named were
appointed a committee to manage the business. Mr. Whar-
ton went to London to attend to it. Lord Hillsborough, Presi-
(241)
242 CHRISTOPHER GIST S JOURNALS.
dent of the Board of Trade, reported against the application
for the grant. Dr. Frankhn replied in an elaborate and able
pamphlet, which was read at a subsequent meeting of the
Council, July x, 1772 ; at the same time, as we learn from a
letter to Sir William Johnson, written by an intelligent
American' who was present, " Mr. Walpole made some
pertinent observations on the subject in general. Mr. Whar-
ton spoke next for several hours and replied distinctly to
each particular objection, and through the whole of the pro-
ceedings he so fully removed all Lord Hillsborough's objec-
tions and introduced his proofs with so much regularity and
made his observations on them with so much propriety,
deliberation and presence of mind, that fully convinced every
Lord present, and gave satisfaction to the gentlemen con-
cerned ; and I must say it gave me a particular pleasure to
hear an American and a countryman act his part so well be-
fore such a number of great Lords and such an august Board ;
and now I have the great pleasure to inform you that their
Lordships have overruled Lord Hillsborough's Report and
have reported to His Majesty in favor of Mr. Wharton and his
Associates. — This is looked upon here as a most extraordi-
nary matter, and what no American ever accomplished before.
Indeed no one from America had so much interest and was
so attended to by the great Lords as Mr. Wharton."
On the same day the Lords of the Committee of Council
reported in favor of making the grant to the Honorable
Thomas Walpole, Samuel Wharton and their associates.
The King in Council approved the Grant August 14, 1772.
Lord Hillsborough resigned and Lord Dartmouth succeeded
him.
The Tract granted, comprised within its boundaries all that
part of the present State of Kentucky, east of a line drawn
' Letter of Rev. Wm. Hanna to Sir Wm. Johnson.
WALPOLE GRANT. 243
south from a point on the Ohio River opposite the mouth of
the Scioto, and the western half of the present State of West
Virginia. The price to be paid into the Royal Treasury was
;£^io,46o. 7. 6, and two shillings quit rent for every hundred
acres sold or leased by the Grantees, payable yearly forever;
to commence twenty years after the date of each sale or lease.
The tract was usually known by the name of the Walpole
Grant. It embraced within its limits the Traders' Grant, or
Indiana, which was reserved to them. It also included the
tract of five hundred thousand acres granted to the Ohio
Company of Virginia, in 1749. The members of the Ohio
Company were admitted into the new association, which was
named the Grand Ohio Company. In compliance with the
King's orders, the Council, on the 6th of May, 1773, reported
to His Majesty a constitution or form of Government for the
New Colony, which they named Vandalia. It contained within
its limits all of the Walpole Grant, with the addition of all
the country westward to the Kentucky River. On the 28th
of October following, the Lords of Council for Plantation
Affairs, ordered " that His Majesty's Attorney General do pre-
pare and lay before this Committee, the draught of a proper
instrument to be passed under the Great Seal of Great Britain
containing a Grant to the Honorable Thomas Walpole, Sam-
uel Wharton, Benjamin Franklin and John Sargent Esqrs. and
their heirs and assigns all the Lands prayed for by their
Memorial." It was not, however, until the spring of the year
1775 that the draught of the Grant was finally prepared and
ready for execution. The breaking out of the war of the
Revolution occasioned a suspension of the business. Mr.
Wharton returned home by way of France, after an absence
of eight years. An extract of a letter from a gentleman in
London, dated March 3, 1773, to his friend in Virginia ap-
peared in the Pennsylvatiia Gazette of that year, stating that
244 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
" I can inform you for certain that the new Province on the
Ohio is confirmed to the Proprietors by the name of Pittsyl-
vania, in honor of the Earl of Chatham. Mr. Wharton of
Philadelphia will be appointed Governor in a few days; all
other appointments to be made by the King. The seat of
government is to be placed at the Forks of the Kenawha and
Ohio rivers." t
COPY OF THE AGREEMENT OF MAY 7th, 1770,
signed by Messrs. Walpole, Pownall, Franklin and Wharton,
consolidating the two Companies by giving the Ohio Com-
pany ^ and Col. Mercer -7!^.
We the Committee of the Purchasers of a Tract of Country
for a new Province on the Ohio in America, do hereby admit
the Ohio Company as a Company Purchaser with us, for two
Shares of the said Purchase in Consideration of the engage-
ment of their Agent Col. Mercer, to withdraw the application
of the said Company for a separate Grant within the Limits
of the said Purchase. Witness our Hands this 7"' day of
May 1770.
Thomas Walpole
T. Pownall
B. Franklin
Saml. Wharton
The whole being divided into Seventy-two equal Shares ;
by the words "two shares" above is understood two Seventy
second parts of the Tract so as above purchased.
Thomas Walpole
T. Pownall
B. Franklin
Saml. Wharton
LAND COMPANY OF WM. TRENT & CO.
November 3'' 1768 at Fort Stanwix the Sachems and
Chiefs of the Six nations in full Council convened by his
Majesty's order, and held under the Presidency of his Super-
intendant of Indian Affairs Sir William Johnson, in consider-
ation of the great losses and Damages, amounting to Eighty
five Thousand nine hundred and sixteen pounds ten shillings
and eight pence lawful money of New York sustained by
sundry Traders in the spring of the year 1763, when the
Shawnese, Delawares and Huron Tribes of Indians, Tribu-
taries of the six Nations did seize upon and unjustly appro-
priate to themselves the Goods Merchandize and effects of
the Traders " The said Sachems and Chiefs did give grant
Bargain and sell unto us our Heirs and assigns forever, all
that Tract or parcel of Land
Beginning at the southerly side of the South of little
Kenhawa River, where it empties itself into the River Ohio,
and running from thence North East to the Laurel Hill —
thence along the Laurel Hill until it strikes the river Monon-
gehela — thence down the stream of the said river Monon-
gehela, acording to the several courses thereof to the southern
Boundary line of the Province of Pennsylvania. — Thence
westerly along the course of the said Province Boundary Line
as far as the same shall extend and from thence by the same
course to the River Ohio according to the several courses
thereof to the place of Beginning. And whereas we under-
stand there are numbers of Families settled on the said Lands,
We do hereby give Notice that they may be assured of
(245)
246 CHRISTOPHER GIST's JOURNALS.
peacable Possession on complying with the Terms of our
general Land Office which will be shortly opened for the sale
of the said Lands in behalf of all the grantees, and that the
purchase will be made easy."
Proceedings of the Grantees of Lands from the Six
Nations Indians by Deed Poll dated Nov. 3"* 1768 to the
suffering Traders Anno 1763.
Pittsburgh September 2"' 1775
Present
Robert Callender Thomas Smallman
William Trent Joseph Spear
John Gibson George Croghan
Joseph Simon John Ormsby
George Morgan
At a meeting of several of the Grantees of Lands from the
Six Nations Indians by Deed Poll dated November 3** 1768 to
the suffering Traders Anno 1763
Pittsburg Sep 21=' 1775
Present
Robert Callender George Croghan
William Trent John Ormsby
John Gibson Thomas Smallman
Joseph Simon Joseph Spear
George Morgan
M'- William Trent informs the Company present that on
his arrival in England Anno 1769 being advised by Doctor
Franklin Lord Cambdin and others, that it was unnecessary
to make application to the Crown or King in Council for a
Confirmation of the above mentioned Grant but that all he
had to do was to return and take possession thereof, and
understanding that Lord Hillsborough was determined to
oppose a Confirmation of the said Grant as will appear by his
LAND COMPANY OF WM. TRENT & CO. 247
Letters to Sir William Johnson, he declined making the said
application for the, same to be confirmed. This M'- Trent
recommends not to be made Public, as it may perhaps give
an unfavorable Idea of our Right to the common People;
but he thought it his duty to communicate it to this Company.
He further acquaints them that soon after his arrival in
England a Company of Gentlemen made a purchase from
the Crown of a Tract of Land on the Ohio, which includes
the Grant of all the Tract given or Granted by the Six
Nation Indians to the suffering Traders as aforesaid. That
the said company of Purchasers Stiling themselves the
Grand Ohio Company agreed in the Minutes of their pro-
ceedings to confirm and convey to the said suffering Traders
all their Right and Title to that part of their purchase which
includes the Grant from the Indians to the suffering Traders
as aforesaid. And that he will furnish this Company with
a copy of the said Minutes. The Meeting then adjourned till
tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock.
At the following meetings rules and regulations for the
organized Company were adopted and the following letter
addressed to Mr. Walpole :
Pittsburg Sep 22'' 1775
Sir
A number of the sufferers by the Indian War in 1763, hav-
ing met at this place to consult on the most proper method
to dispose of their Lands granted to them by the Indians at
Fort Stanwix in November 1768, and understanding from Mr.
William Trent that you have the Original Deed from the
Indians for the said Lands ; we request the favor of you to
transmit the same to us or to your brother Thomas, in order
that it may be recorded at Williamsburgh in Virginia as the
jurisdiction of that colony is now extended and exercised as
248 CHRISTOPHER GISt'S JOURNALS.
far west as the Ohio and Courts established &c. We think
it our duty to Inform you as one of the Grantees, that many
Difficulties are like to arise from any delay in taking Posses-
sion of the Lands, and that those Difficulties will double on
us if we do not very speedily fall on some measures to obtain
Peacable Possession of them and Permission to proceed in
their sales. Lands have been and are now surveying to
Officers soldiers and others in Consequence of the Kings
Proclamation of October 1763, in every part of this Country
from hence downward as low as Scioto and indeed as far as
Kentucke and the Falls. And you may be assured they have
not hesitated to lay their Warrants in many parts of our
Grant of which most of the Good Lands are already surveyed.
We are sir
Your most Obedient Servants
Names of Traders, Trent, Croghan &c.
Virginia declared by express legislative enactment in
1779, that all sales and deeds by Indians for lands within
their limits to be void and of no effect.
Congress, by acts of the l6th and i8th of September, 1776,
and others subsequent thereto, conferred grants of land to
the officers and soldiers of the Continental army. Virginia,
holding immense tracts of unappropriated land, very soon
adopted the idea suggested by Congress of granting land
bounties to her officers and soldiers both in the State and
Continental establishments. To a Major-General 15,000 acres
of land, and to a Brigadier-General 10,000.
For this purpose the lands surveyed by Christopher Gist
were again surveyed, and the land not in the possession of
settlers was so disposed of.
CAPTAIN TRENT. 249
CAPTAIN TRENT.
He was born in 1715 in Chester County. 1746, Governor
Thomas of Pennsylvania appointed him captain of one of
four companies raised in Pennsylvania, for an intended expe-
dition against Canada. December, 1747, the time of his com-
pany having expired, he was honorably discharged. 1749, he
was appointed, by Governor Hamilton, a justice of the Court
of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace for Cum-
berland County. 1750, he formed a partnership with George
Croghan to engage in the Indian trade. 1752, he was
commissioner to Logstown. 1753, he was directed by Gov-
ernor Dinwiddle to build a fort at the Forks of the Ohio.
February 17, 1754, he began the erection of the fort. April
16, the fort was surrendered to the French under the com-
mand of M. de Contrecoeur. 1755, Captain Trent entered
the service of Pennsylvania and was a member of the Proprie-
tary and Governor's Council. 1757, he again entered the
employ of Virginia. 1758, he accompanied Forbes' expedition
against Fort DuQuesne, and by his knowledge of the country
rendered important service. 1763, his large trading-house
near Fort Pitt was destroyed by the Indians ; he took refuge
in Fort Pitt and was employed in military duties by the Com-
mandant, Captain S. Ecuyer. At the Treaty at Fort Stanwix
the Indians were induced to make a deed of land to Trent.
At the beginning of the Revolutionary War Congress gave
him a Major's commission. His Journal of an expedition from
Logstown to Pickawillany, a village on the west side of the
Great Miami River, at the mouth of Loramies Creek, belong-
ing to the Miami or Twightwee Tribe, has been published by
the Western Reserve Historical Society.*
' Colonial Records.
«7
APPENDIX.
JOHN PETER SALLEY.
A BRIEF Account of the Travels of Mr. John Peter
Salley, a German living in the County of Augusta,
IN the Colony of Virginia, to the Westward of that
Colony as far as the river Mississippi, between March,
1741, and May, 1745.'
It may be necessary, before I enter upon the particular pas-
sages of my travels, to inform my readers that what they are
to meet with in the following narrative is only what I retained
in my memory. For when we were taken by the French we
were robbed of all our papers, that contained, writings rela-
tive to our Travels.
In the year 1740 I came from Pennsylvania to that part of
Orange County now called Augusta, and settled in a fork of
James river close under the Blue Ridge of Mountains on the
West Side where I now live.
In the month of March 174}^ one John Howard came to
my house and told me that he received a commission from our
Governor to travel to the westward of this Colony as far as
the river Mississippi in order to make Discovery of the Coun-
try and that as a reward for his labour, he had the promise of
an Order of Council for ten hundred thousand Acres of Land
and at the same time obliged himself to give equal shares of
said land to such men as would go in Company with him to
search the Country as above. Whereupon I and two men
and Charles Sinclair (his own son Josiah Howard having
already joined with him) entered in covenant with him bind-
' Referred to in Col. Burwell's letter dated August 21, 1751.
(253)
254 APPENDIX.
ing ourselves to each other in a certain writing and accord-
ingly prepared for our journey in a very unlucky hour to me
and my poor family.
On the sixteenth of March 1742 ; we set off from my House
and went to Cedar Creek about five miles, where is a Natural
Bridge over said Creek reaching from the hill on the one side
to the hill on the other. It is a solid Rock and is two hun-
dred and three feet high, having a very large spacious arch,
where the water runs thro'. We then proceeded as far as
Mondongachate now called Woods river,' which is eighty five
miles, where we killed five Buffaloes, and with their hides
covered the frame of a boat, which was so large as to carry
all our Company, and all our provisions and utensils with
which we passed down the said river, two hundred and fifty
two miles as we supposed, and found it very rockey, having a
great many Falls therein, one of which we computed to be
thirty feet perpendicular and all along surrounded with inac-
cessible mountains, high precipices which obliged us to leave
said river. We went then a south west course by Land eighty
five miles, where we came to a small river and there we made
a little Boat which carried only two men and our provisions.
The rest travelled by land for two days and then we came to
a large river, where we enlarged our Barge so as she carried
all our Company, and whatever loading we had to put into
her. We supposed that we went down this river two hun-
dred and twenty miles, and had a tolerable good passage ;
there being only two places that were difficult by reason of
Falls. Where we came to this river the country is mountain-
ous, but the farther down the plainer, in those mountains we
found great plenty of coals, for which we named it Coal river,
where this river and Woods river meets the north mountains
end, and the country appears very plain and is well watered,
' Now Kanawha.
TRAVELS OF JOHN PETER SALLEY. 255
there are plenty of rivulets, clear Fountains and running
streams and very fertile soil ; from the mouth of Coal river to
the river Allegany' we computed to be ninety two miles, and
on the sixth day of May we came to Allegany which we sup-
posed to be three quarters of a mile wide, and from here to
the great Falls on this river is reckoned four hundred and
forty four miles, there being a large spacious open country on
each side of this river, and is well watered, abounding with
plenty of Fountains, small streams and large rivers ; and is
very high, and fertile soil. At this time we found the clover
to be as high as the middle of a man's leg. In general all
the woods over the Land is of great plenty and of all kind,
that grows in this Colony excepting pine. On the seventh
day of June we entered into the river Mississippi, which we
computed to be five miles wide. In the river Mississippi
above the mouth of the Allegany is a large Island on which
are three towns inhabited by the French who maintain Com-
merce and Trade both with the French of Canada and those
French on the mouth of the said river. We held on our pas-
sage down the river Mississippi. The second day of July and
about nine o'clock in the morning we went on shore to cook </)),, ^
our breakfast. But we were suddenly surprised by a company ' " '
of men, to the number of ninety, consisting of French men
Negroes and Indians who took us prisoners and carried us to
the town of New Orleans, which was about one hundred
leagues from us when we were taken and after being exam-
ined upon oath before the Governor first separately one by
one, and then altogether we were committed to close prison,
we not knowing then (nor even yet) how long they intended
to confine us there. During our stay in Prison we had
allowed us a pound and a half of bread a man each day, and
ten pounds of pork per month for each man, which allowance
' Ohio.
2S6 APPENDIX.
was duly given to us for the space of eighteen months, and
after that we had only one pound of Rice Bread and one
pound of rice for each man per day, and one quart of Bear's
oil for each man per month, which allowance was continued to
us untill I made my escape. Whilst I was confined in Prison
I had many Visits made to me by the French and Dutch who
lived there and grew intimate and familiar with some of them,
by whom I was informed of the Manner of Government, laws,
strength and wealth of the kingdom of Louisiana as they
call it, and from the whole we learned that the Government
is Tyranical. The common people groan under the load of
oppression and sigh for deliverance. The Governor is the
chief Merchant and enhances all the Trade into his own hands,
depriving the Planters of selling their commodities to any
other but himself and allowing them only such prices as he
pleases.
And with respect to Religion, there is little to be found
amongst them, but those who profess any Religion at all, its
the Church of Rome. In the Town are nine Clergymen,
four Jesuits and five Capuchin Friars. They have likewise
one Nunnery in which are nine nuns. Notwithstanding the
Fertility and richness of the soil. The Inhabitants are
generally poor as a consequence of the oppression they meet
with from their rulers, neither is the settling of the Country,
or Agriculture in any measure encouraged by the Legislature.
One thing I had almost forgot Viz. we were told by some of
the French who first settled there, that about forty years ago
when the French first discovered the place, and made attempt
to settle therein, there were then pretty many English settled
on both sides the river Mississippi and one twenty Gun Ship
lay in the river, what became of the Ship we did not hear,
but we were informed that the English Inhabitants were all
destroyed by the Natives at the instigation of the French.
TRAVELS OF JOHN PETER SALLEV. 257
I now begin to speak of the strength of the Country and
by the best account I could gather I did not find that there
are above four hundred and fifty effective men of the Militia
in all that Country, and not above one hundred and fifty
Soldiers under pay in and about the Town of New Orleans ;
tis true they have sundry Forts in which they keep some men,
but they are so weak and dispicable as not worth taking
notice of, with regard to the strengthening of the Country,
having in some of them only six men, in others ten men. The
strongest of all those places is at the mouth of the Missis-
sippi, In which are thirty men, and fifty Leagues from thence
is a town called Mobile, nine Leagues from the mouth of a
river of the same name, in which is a Garrison that boasts of
seventy Soldiers. After I had been confined in close prison
above two years, and all expectation of being set at liberty
failing, I begun to think of making my escape out of prison,
one of which I put in practice, and which succeeded in the
following manner. . There was a certain Frenchman who was
born in that Country, and had some time before Sold his rice
to the Spaniards, for which he was put in prison and it cost
him six hundred Pieces of eight' before he got clear, he being
tired with the misery and oppression under which the poor
country people labour, formed a design of removing his
Family to South Carolina Which design was discovered, and
he was again put in Prison in the dungeon, and made fast in
Irons, and after a formal Tryal he was condemned to be a
Slave for Ten Years, besides the expense of seven hundred
pieces of eight. With this miserable Frenchman I became
intimate, and as he was an active man, and knew the country
he promised, if I could help him off with his irons and we all
got clear of the Prison, he would conduct us safe until we
were out of danger. We then got a small file from a soldier
1 A dollar.
25 8 APPENDIX.
wherewith to cut the irons and on the 2Sth day of October
1744 we put our design in practice. While the Frenchman
was very busy in the Dungeon in cutting the Irons, we were
as industrious without in breaking the door of the Dungeon,
and each of us finished our job at one instant of time, which
had held us for about six hours, by three of the clock in the
morning with the help of a rope which I had provided before-
hand, we let ourselves down over the prison walls, and made
our escape, two miles from the town that night, where we lay
close for two days. We then removed to a place three miles
from the town, where one of the good old Friars of which I
spoke before, nourished us four days. On the eighth day
after we made our escape, we came to a Lake seven leagues
from the Town, but by this time we had got a gun and some
ammunition. The next day we shot two large Bulls and with
their hides made a boat, in which we passed the Lake in the
night. We tied the shoulder Blades of the Bulls to small
sticks, which served us for paddles and passed a point, where
there were thirteen men lay in wait for us, but thro' mercy
we escaped them undiscovered. After we had gone by water
sixty miles we went on shore, we left our boat as a Witness of
our escape to the French.
We travelled thirty miles by land to the river Shokare where
our Frenchman's father lived. In this journey we passed thro'
a nation of Indians, who were very kind to us, and carried us
over two large bays. In this place we tarried two months
and ten days in very great danger, for search was made
for us every where both by land and water and orders to
shoot us when found. Great rewards were promised by the
Governor to the king of the Indians (mentioned above)
to take us which he refused, and in the mean time
was very kind by giving provision and informing us
of our danger from time to time. After they had given
TRAVELS OF JOHN PETER SALLEY. 259
over searching for us and we having got a large vessel and
other necessary things for our voyage, and on the 2Sth of
January our Frenchman and our negro boy (which he took to
wait on him) and another Frenchman, and we being all
armed and well provided for our voyage ; we set off at a place
called the belle Fountain (or in English fine spring) and
sailed fifty leagues to the head of St. Roses Bay, and there
we left our vessel and traveled by Land thirty Leagues to the
Fork Indians, where the English trade, and there we staid five
days. The Natives were to us kind and generous, there we
left the two Frenchmen and negro boy, and on the tenth
of February we set off and travelled by land up the river
Giscaculfula one hundred and thirty-five miles, passing
several Indian Towns, the Natives being very hospitable and
kind and came to one Finlas an Indian Trader who lives
among the Uchee Nation. On the first of March we arrived
at Fort Augustus in the Province of Georgia. On the
nineteenth instant we left Fort Augustus and on the first
of April we arrived at Charlestown and waited on the
Governor, who examined us concerning our Travels &c and
detained us in Charlestown eighteen days, and made us a pre-
sent of eighteen pounds of their money, which did no more
than defray our expences whilst in that town. I had delivered
to the Governor a copy of my Journal which when I asked
again he refused to give me, but having obtained from him a
pass we went on board of a small vessel bound for Virginia.
On the thirteenth of April, the same day about two of the
clock we were taken by the French in cape Roman and kept
prisoner till eleven of the clock next day, at which time the
French after having robbed us of all the Provision we had
for our Voyage or Journey, put us into a Boat we being twelve
men in number, and so left us to the mercy of the seas and
winds.
260 APPENDIX.
On the fifteenth instant we arrived again at Charlestown
and were examined before the Governor concerning our being
taken by the French. We were now detained three days
before we could get another pass from the Governor, we
having destroyed the former when we were taken by the
French and then were dismissed, being in a strange place ;
far from home, destitute of friends, clothing money and arms,
and in that deplorable condition had been obliged to under-
take a journey of five hundred miles, but -a gentleman who
was commander of a Privateer and now lay at Charlestown
with whom we had discoursed several times gave to each of
us a gun and a sword and would have given us ammunition
but that he had but little. On the eighteenth day of April
we left Charlestown the second time and travelled by land,
and on the seventeenth day of May 1745 we arrived at my
house, having been absent three years two months and one
day from my family, having in that time by the nicest calcu-
lation I am able to make, travelled by Land and water four
thousand six hundred and six miles, since I left my own
House till I returned Home again.
John Peter Salley.
SCHEME
For the Settlement of a New Colony to the Westward of
Pennsylvania, for the Enlargement of his Majesty's Domin-
ions in America, for the further Promotion of the Christian
Religion among the Indian Natives, and for the more effect-
ual securing them in his Majesty's Alliance.
That humble Application be made either to His Majesty
or the General Assembly of Connecticut, or to both, as the
Case may require, for a Grant of so much Land as shall be
necessary for the Settlement of an ample colony, to extend
from the Western Boundaries of Pennsylvania one Hundred
Miles to the Westward of the River Mississippi, and to be
divided from Virginia and Carolina by the Great Chain of
Mountains that runs along the Continent from the North
Eastern to the South Western Parts of America. That hum-
ble Application be made to His Majesty for a Charter to erect
the said Territory into a separate Government, with the same
Privileges which the Colony of Connecticut enjoys, and for
such Supplies of Arms and Ammunition as may be necessary
for the Safety and Defence of the Settlers, and that his
Majesty would also be pleased to take the said New Colony
under his immediate protection.
That application be made to the Assemblies of the several
British Colonies in North America to grant such Supplies of
Money and Provisions as may enable the Settlers to secure
the Friendship of the Indian Natives, and support themselves
and Families till they are established in said Colony in Peace
and Safety, and can support themselves by their own
Industry.
That at least Twelve Reverend Ministers of the Gospel be
(260
262 APPENDIX.
engaged to remove to the said New Colony with such mem-
bers of their respective Congregations as are willing to go
along with them.
That every Person, from the age of fourteen years and
upwards (Slaves excepted) professing the Christian Religion,
being Protestant Subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, and
that will remove to said New Colony with the first settlers
thereof, shall be entitled to a sufficient Quantity of Land for
a good Plantation, without any Consideration Money, and at
the annual Rent of a Pepper-Corn. The Plantation to con-
tain at least Three Hundred Acres, Two Hundred Acres of
which to be such Land as is fit either for Tillage or Meadow.
That every Person under the Age of Fourteen Years
(Slaves excepted) who removes to said Province with the
First Settlers thereof, as well as such Children as shall be
lawfully born to said First Settlers in said Province, or in the
Way to it, shall be entitled to Three Hundred Acres of Land
when they come to the Age of Twenty-one Years, without
any Purchase Money, at the annual Quit-Rent of Two Shil-
lings Sterling for every Hundred Acres ; the Quit-Rent
arising from such Lands to be applied to the Support of Gov-
ernment, the Propagation of the Christian Religion among
the Indian Natives, the Relief of the Poor, the Encourage-
ment of Learning, and in general to such other public Use, as
shall be judged by the Legislature of the Province to be most
conducive to the General Good.
That every Person who is entitled to any land in the
Province, shall be at Liberty to take it up when they please ;
but when taken up shall be obliged to clear and fence at least
Fifteen Acres on every Farm of Three Hundred Acres, within
Five Years after the Appropriation of said Land, and also to
build a Dwelling House of at least Fifteen Foot square with a
good Chimney on the Premises within the said Term on Pain
of forfeiting said Land.
\
SCHEME. 263
That the said Plantation shall be laid out in Townships,
in such Manner as will be most for the Safety and Conve-
nience of the Settlers.
That in order to prevent all Jealousies and Disputes about
the Choice of said Plantations, they shall be divided by Lot.
That as soon as possible after a sufficient Number of Per-
sons are engaged, a proper Charter obtained, and the neces-
sary Preparations are made for the Support and Protection of
the Settlers, a Place of general Rendezvous shall be appointed,
where they shall all meet, and from whence they shall pro-
ceed in a Body to the new Colony ; but that no Place of
Rendezvous shall be appointed till at least Two Thousand
Persons able to bear Arms are actually engaged to remove,
exclusive of Women and Children.
That it be established as one of the fundamental Laws of
the Province that Protestants of every Denomination who
profess the Christian Religion, believe the Divine Authority
of the Sacred Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, the
Doctrine of the Trinity of Persons in the Unity of the God-
head, and whose Lives and Conversations are free from Im-
morality and Prophaneness, shall be equally capable of serving
in all the Posts of Honor, Trust or Profit in the Government,
notwithstanding the Diversity of their religious Principles in
other Respects. But that none of any Denomination what-
soever, who have been guilty of Prophaning the Name of
God, of Lying, Drunkenness, or any other of the groser
Immoralities, either in their Words or Actions, shall be capa-
ble of holding any Office in or under the Government till at
least one Year after their Conviction of such Offence.
The Christianizing the Indian Natives and bringing them
to be good Subjects, not only to the Crown of Great-Britain,
but to the King of all Kings, being one of the most essential
Designs of the proposed New Colony, it is a Matter of the
264 APPENDIX.
Utmost Importance that those poor ignorant Heathen should
not be prejudiced against the Christian Religion by the bad
Lives of those in Authority.
That Protestants of every Denomination who profess the
Christian Religion, shall have the free and unlimited Exercise
of their Religion, and shall be allowed to defend it, both from
the Pulpit and the Press, so long as they remain peaceable
Members of Civil Society, and do not propagate Principles
inconsistent with the Safety of the State.
That no Member of the Church of Rome shall be able to
hold any Lands or Real Estate in the Province, nor be allowed
to be Owners of, or have any Arms or Ammunition in their
Possession, on any Pretence whatsoever, nor shall any Mass-
Houses, or Popish Chappels be allowed in the Province.
That no Person shall be obliged to pay any Thing towards
the Support of a Minister of whose Congregation he is not a
Member, or to a Church to which he does not belong.
That the Indians shall on all occasions be treated with the
utmost Kindness, and every justifiable method taken to gain
their Friendship ; and that whoever injures, cheats, or makes
them drunk, shall be punished with peculiar Severity.
That so soon as the Province is able to support Missionaries^
and proper Persons can be found to engage in the Affair, a
Fund shall be settled for the Purpose, and Missionaries sent
among the neighboring Indian Nations ; and that it shall, in
all Time coming, be esteemed as one of the first and most
Essential Duties of the Legislature of the Province, by every
proper Method in their power to endeavor to spread the Light
of the glorious Gospel among the Indians in America even
to its most Western Bounds.
That, as the Conversion of the Indians is a Thing much to
be desired, from the weightiest Considerations, both of a relig-
ious and political Nature, and since the Colony during its
SCHEME. 265
Infancy will be unable to provide the necessary Funds for the
Purpose, some proper Person or Persons shall be sent to
Europe, duly authorized from the Government, to ask the
Assistance of such as desire to promote that great and good
Work.
To the Honourable the Governor, Council and Representa-
tives of the Colony of Connecticut, to meet in General
Assembly, on the Eighth Day of May, 1755. The petition
of the Subscribers, being Inhabitants of His Majesty's Plan-
tations in North America,
Humbly Sheweth
That your Petitioners having taken the foregoing scheme
for settling a new colony into their most serious considera-
tion, and having deliberately weighed the various parts thereof,
cannot but most heartily approve of a design, which, when
duly executed, would be attended with such happy and ex-
tensive consequences to the Crown of Great Britain, and all
His Majesty's colonies in North America and which would at
the same Time open the most effectual Door for carrying the
Light of the glorious Gospel of Christ among the numerous
Tribes of Indians that inhabit those inland Parts ; and being
for our Parts desirous to embark in so important a Cause, if
the Scheme takes Effect, and to remove with our Families and
Fortunes to the proposed New Colony, when Providence has
prepared the Way for us, we are naturally led to wish Success
to the Undertaking ; but however ardently we wish Success
to the Scheme or how sanguine soever our Inclinations may
be of engaging in the Affair, common Prudence forbids our
Removal till such a Foundation is laid as will afford, not only
a rational Prospect of present Protection from the Enemy, but
of handing down both Civil and Religious Liberty, as well as
private Property, to our Posterity ; and since it is necessary
that such Foundation be laid in Part by Your Honorable House,
866 APPENDJX.
we are constrained to make our humble Application to You,
and we do it with the greater Cheerfulness, as the known Zeal
of New England for His Majesty's Service gives us the
greatest Reason to hope for the Countenance and Assistance
of Your House in an Undertaking that has so direct a Tendency
to promote His Majesty's Interest by securing the Friendship
and firm Alliance of the Indian Natives, and thereby preparing
the Way for the actual Settlement of those remote Parts of the
British Dominions, as well as for Preventing the Encroach-
ments of the French. We, therefore, Your Petitioners do most
humbly pray. That You would be pleased so far to aid the
Design, as to make the proper Grant of so much Land as shall
be necessary for the proposed new Colony, which we humbly
conceive ought to extend as far as the Scheme proposes, that
is to say. From the Western Boundaries of the Province of
Pennsylvania, One Hundred Miles to the Westward of the
River Mississippi, and that it should be divided from Virginia
and Carolina by the great Chain of Mountains that runs
along the Continent from the North Eastern to the South-
western Parts of America.
And also. That Your Honorable House would be pleased to
make Application to His Majesty for a Charter to erect the
said Territory into a separate Government with the same
Privileges which the Colony of Connecticut enjoys. And we
beg Leave, with all Humility to add That as the Charter by
which Your Province holds both their Land and their Privileges
expressly declares. That the Christianizing of the Indian
Natives was the principal End which King Charles the Second
proposed by granting such extensive Territories and Privileges,
so we cannot but hope, that the same Motives will have their
proper Weight with Your Honourable House, to grant the
Prayer of your Petitioners, and we, as in Duty bound, will ever
pray.
To this petition were affixed more than two thousand names.
i
LETTER FROM ROBERT ORME TO GOV-
ERNOR DINWIDDIE.'
Fort Cumberland July i8 1755
My dear Governor
I am so extremely ill in bed with the wound I have received
that I am under the Necessity of employing my friend
Capt. Dobson as my scribe. I am informed that Governor
Innes has sent you some account of the Action near the
Banks of the Monongahela about seven miles from the French
Fort. As his Intelligence must be very Imperfect, the Dis-
patch he sent to you must consequently be so too ; you
should have had more early Account of it, but every Oficer
whose business it was to have informed you was either killed
or wounded and our distressfull Situation put it out of our
power to attend to it so much as we would otherwise have
done. The 9"" instant we passed and repassed the Monon-
gahela by advancing first a party of 300 men which immedi-
ately followed by another of 2<X), the general with the Column
of Artillery, Baggage and the Main Body of the Army passed
the river the last time, about one o'clock, as soon as the
whole had got on the Fort side of Monongahela we heard a
very heavy and quick fire on our front, we immediately ad-
vanced in order to sustain them but the Detachment of the
200 and 300 gave way and fell back upon us, which caused
such confusion and struck so great a panic into our men that
afterwards no military Expedient could be made use of that
had any effect upon them, the men were so extremely deaf to
the exhortations of the General and the Officers that they
' P. R. O. America and West Indies.
C267)
268 APPENDIX.
fired away in the most irregular manner all their ammunition
and then ran off leaving to the Enemy the Artillery, Ammun-
ition, Provisions and Baggage, nor could they be persuaded
to stop till they got as far as Gists plantation nor there only
in part, many of them proceeding even as far as Col. Dun-
bar's Party who lay six miles on this side.
The Officers were absolutely sacrificed by their unparalleled
good behaviour ; Advancing before their men sometimes in
bodies and sometimes separately, hoping by such an example
to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose.
The General had five horses shot under him and at last
received a wound through his lungs, of which he died the
13th instant at night. Captain Monies and myself very much
wounded. Mr. Washington had two horses shot under him
and his clothes shot through in several places, behaving the
whole time with the greatest courage and resolution.
Sir P. Halket was killed upon the spot, and according to the
best calculation we can as yet make about 28 Officers were
killed.
Col. Burton and Sir John St. Clair with 35 Officers wounded
and out of our whole number of Officers not above 16 came
off the Field unhurt. We imagine there are killed and
wounded about 600 men. I have the pleasure to acquaint you
that Captain Poison (who was killed) and his company be-
haved extremely well, as did Captain Stuart and his light
horse, who I must beg leave to recommend to your protection
and to desire you will be so kind to use your best endeavours
to serve him as he has lost by the death of the general the
rewards he really deserved by his gallant and faithful atten-
dance on him.
Upon our proceeding with the whole convoy to the Little
Meadow we found it impractable to advance in that manner ;
a Detachment was therefore made of 1200 men with the
J
LETTER FROM ROBERT ORME TO GOV. DINWIDDIE. 269
Artillery, necessary ammunition, Provision and Baggage,
leaving the remainder with Col. Dunbar, with Orders to join
us as soon as possible ; with this Detachment we proceeded
with safety and expedition, till the fatal day I have just
related and happy it was that this Disposition was made,
otherwise the whole must have starved or fallen into the
Hands of the enemy as numbers would have been no service
to us and our Provision was all lost.
Mr. Shaw put into my Hands a letter from you directed to
the General who was then incapable of any business, it con-
tained Notes for ;^2000 from South Carolina. I am at a loss
to know what to do with them, forgetting the particular appro-
priation of the Vote of Assembly, though I think I recollect
its being voted at the Service of the Expedition in general
and at the disposal of General Braddock ; these Bills are made
payable to him or Order, for which reason they are not nego-
tiable. I desire your advice on this subject, and as it may
save time, beg the favor of you to write to Governor Glen
about it.
As our number of horses were so much reduced, and those
so extremely weak, and many carriages being wanted for the
wounded men occasioned our destroying the Ammunition and
superfluous part of the Provision left in Col. Dunbar's Con-
voy, to prevent its falling into the Hands of the Enemy.
As the whole of the Artillery is lost and the Terror of the
Indian remaining so strongly in the mens minds, as also the
Troops being extremely weakened by Deaths, Wounds and
Sickness, it was judged impossible to make any further
attempts ; therefore Col. Dunbar is returning to Fort Cum-
berland, with everything he is able to bring along with him.
I propose remaining here till my wound will suffer me to
remove to Philadelphia, from thence I shall make all possible
Dispatch to England.
I am Sir &c
270 APPENDIX.
Robert Orme entered the army as an ensign in the 35th Foot.
On September 16, 1745, he exchanged into the Coldstream
Guards, of which he became a lieutenant April 24, 1751. He ac-
companied General Braddock to America, was present on the
battle-field and assisted the removal of the General from the
field. After his recovery from his wound he embarked for
England. October, 1756, he resigned his commission in the
Guards ; he married the Hon. Audrey Townshend, only daugh-
ter of Charles, 3d Viscount. Capt. Orme died in February,
1781.
George Croghan, with a company of Indians, Andrew Mon-
tour and Christopher Gist and his son, were on the battle-
field. Christopher Gist was the General's guide and with his
Indians penetrated undiscovered to within half a mile of the
fort.
Sir Peter Halket, of Pitferran, Fifeshire, a baronet of Nova
Scotia, was the son of Sir Peter Wedderburne, of Gosford,
who assumed his wife's name. In 1734, he sat in the House
of Commons for Dunfermline, was Lieutenant-Colonel of the
44th at Sir John Cope's defeat in 1745. Released on parole
by Charles Edward, he was ordered by Cumberland to rejoin
his regiment, but honorably refused. The King approved of
his course. He married Lady Amelia Stewart, second daugh-
ter of Francis, eighth Earl of Moray. He had three sons :
Sir Peter, his successor, also in the army ; Francis, Major in
the Black Watch, and James, who was killed with him.
Colonel Thomas Dunbar was Colonel of the Forty-eighth,
superseded in November, 1755, because of his injudicious re-
treat, and sent into honorable retirement as Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor of Gibraltar; he was never again actively employed.
He died 1777.
Sir John St. Clair, remained for a long time in service in
America. 1756, he was made a Lieutenant-Colonel of the
Sixtieth regiment. 1762, he was made a full Colonel. At
the defeat of Braddock he was shot through the body.
EXTRACTS FROM "AN ANALYSIS OF A GEN-
ERAL MAP OF THE MIDDLE BRITISH
COLONIES."
THE COUNTRY OF THE CONFEDERATE INDIANS, &c.
" The greatest part of Virginia is composed with the Assist-
ance of Messieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it."
"In the Way to Ohio by Franks Town, after you are past
the Allegeny Mountain, the Ground is rough in many Places,
and continues so to the River. Hereabouts the Laurel Hill
springs from the Mountain, and continues though not large,
in a very regular Chain, I believe to the Ouasioto Mountain.
For though the Allegeny Mountain is the most Westerly, on
the West Branch of Susquehanna, it is far from being so back
of Virginia."
" The Map in the Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the
Passes through the Mountains Westward, is laid down by the
Information of Traders and others, who have resided there,
and travelled them for many years together. Hitherto there
have not been any Surveys made of them, except the Road
which goes from Shippensburg round Parnel's Knob and by
Ray's Town over the Allegeny Mountains."
"M' William Franklin's Journal to Ohio has been my prin-
cipal Help in ascertaining the Longitude of the Fork of Ohio
and Monaungahela ; but however I must not omit mentioning,
that the Latitude of this Fork is laid down from the Observa-
tion of Colonel Fry and is at least ten Miles more Northerly
than I would otherwise have thought it was."
" M' Joseph Dobson gave me an Account of the Distances
from Creek to Creek, as they fall in, and of the Islands, Rifts
and Falls, all the Way from the Fork to Sioto ; and M' Alex-
(271)
272 APPENDIX.
ander Maginty and M' Alexander Lowry, gave me the rest to
the Falls, as well as confirmed the others. The River from
the Fork upwards, is mostly from M' John Davison."
" The Routs across the Country, as well as the Situation
of Indian Villages, trading Places, the Creeks that fall into
Lake Erie, and other Affairs relating to Ohio and its Branches,
are from a great Number of Informations of Traders and oth-
ers and especially of a very intelligent Indian called The
Eagle, who had a good Notion of Distances, Bearings and
delineating. The situation of Detroit is chiefly determined
by the Computation of its Distance from Niagara by M'
Maginty, and its Bearing and Distance from the Mouth of the
Sandusky."
" As for the Branches of Ohio, which head in the New
Virginia (So they call, for Distinction-sake, that Part of Vir-
ginia South East of the Ouasioto Mountains, and on the
Branches of Green Briar, New River, and Holston River) I
am particularly obliged to D' Thomas Walker, for the Intel-
ligence of what Names they bear, and what Rivers they fall
into Northward and Westward."
" The present, late and antient Seats of the original Inhab-
itants are expressed in the Map ; and though it might be imag-
ined that several Nations are omitted, which are mentioned
by Authors, it may be remarked, that Authors, for want of
Knowledge in Indian Affairs, have taken every little Society
for a separate Nation ; whereas they are not truly more in
Number than I have laid down in a Map I published of
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York and Delaware in 1749."
This Map and Analysis was printed in Philadelphia by
B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755.
The Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750-51-52
were copied from the original in the Public Record Office,
London, by J. A. Burt, 1882, for William M. Darlington. They
MAP OF THE MIDDLE BRITISH COLONIES. 273
are in outline, with fewer names than are given in the map
here published.
Governor Pownall intended to publish a second edition of
his " Topographical Description of North America." His own
copy is full of inserted MSS. and marginal notes. On page
13 he has written this explanation of the name Cheonderoga.
"This word denotes the fork of a river, or the confluence of
two branches which go off in one united stream. This the
French always translate Trois-Rivieres. The Dutch, who first
improved this rout, using the letters tie to express the sound
che, as we do ye letters tion to express chon, wrote the word
Tieonderoga, and the letter e in the correspondencies being
mistaken for c, this place got the name of Tieonderoga. Custom
has adopted this original mistake. And the using the real
name in its true orthography looks so like affectation, that I
cannot but think this explanation, by way of Apology at least,
has become necessary. The situation on the Ohio, on which
Fort du Quesne, afterwards called Fort Pitt was built, was by
the Indians called Cheonderoga, and accordingly by the French
called Trois Rivieres. It is recorded by that name in the
famous Leaden Plate, which was buried there as a memorial
of their possession. Until I had occasion to explain this it
was always a matter of Puzzle to our Ministers, what Place in
those Quarters the French meant to design by Trois Rivieres."
Here follows an exact copy of that plate :
Copy of the Leaden Plate Buried at the Forks of
MONONGAHELA AND OhIO BY MON" CeLERON BY WAY OF
TAKING Possession & as a memorial & Testimony thereof.
1753 or 2.
L'an 1749 Dv Regne de Louis XV Roy de France Novs
Celeron Commandant D'vn Detachement Envoie par
274 APPENDIX.
Monsieur le M'" De la Galissoniere Commandant
General De la Nouvelle France pour retablir la tran-
quillite dans quelques villages sauvages de ces cantons
avons enterr^ cette Plaque A (3' rivieres dessous la riviere
au boeuf ce 3 Aoust) pres de la Riviere Oyo autrement
belle Riviere pour Monument du Renouvellement de la
Possession que nous avons pris de la ditte Riviere Oyo
et de toutes celles qui y^ tombnt et toutes les terres des
deux cotes jusque aux Sources des dittes Rivieres ainsi
qu'en ont jouy ou du jouir les precedent Roys de France
et qu'ils sy sont maintenus par les armes et par les
traittes speciallment par ceux de Riswick, D'Utrecht et
D'Aix la Chappelle.
On the back is Paul Lebrosse Fecit.
Translation.
In the year 1749, in the reign of Louis XV, King of France,
We Celeron, commandant of a detachment sent by the Mar-
quis de la Galissoniere, Commandant in Chief of New France,
to re-establish peace in certain villages of the Indians of
these districts, have buried this plate at the Three Rivers,
below Le Boeuf River, this third of August, near the river
Oyo, otherwise the Fair River, as a monument of the renewal
of the possession that we have taken of the said River Oyo,
and of all those which fall into it, and of all the lands on both
sides to the sources of the said rivers, as the preceding Kings
of France have enjoyed or ought to have enjoyed it ; and
which they have upheld by force of arms and by treaties,
especially by those of Riswick, Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle.
^ This is only scratched with the point of a knife, and scarcely legible,
in a space which was left blank to be filled up when buried.
^ This is so written in the plate.
HI
S
VI
90
33
«
20
\i
I
IT
jo
^ Ma/oue/es e/id/o/Js ou /on ae/j/erre /a/amesc/epi.
% /^(^f^^i/e /es /a/z/uc/cs eSsty^ees ^y /^^^~~-^
/!?i7/?3 /fic/)e//e c/as /a^/Vac/es r/<p/esa/?/e^\{^ ; y«* .^^
/^<s c/i/Y/'res ^u/ son/ c/f/iors /TPorauen/ ^s
c/yre's c/e /a/z/c/de ceax out so/// m i/ef/c^s •',-^ z^-^
2fll y/?//r^^//f/?///■■s///'/!/ts(/l^^a^/(/e^/■f'
Ze c^fi^res au //^/Pfz/i/a/e sm/ /7?a/^uec
yoa/' /fis cA//7/'es ^u/ ' jo/7/e/? a/eAar^
e/ /es /7!//iu/fs c/pc/eyre yDaj::^^^
ceux (/i// son/ e/7(fec/a/?s\ Toi^z/e ^"'"^
t6
/'o//7/e
y^/i.
ce/utf c/e IbAjprya/o/re J?oya/e(/e /'ar/S'
^S' 30' 15' S'J //f 30' IS- 33° HS 30' If 82° ■*
BONNE
JO IS
fS 30 IS
WS 30 /■» "
^^
Ui' So
i/^f//a^c/eloi/jCk
J//jue
to W
;o
P/a/e3
CARTE
DUM VOYAGE FAIT
LA BELLE RIVIERE
ENLANOUYELLE FRANCE
Ml. DCC XLlIX.
0 ti
IS
\ •^//c/a'e Occ/c/e/T/a/e
/i
0' is' 8/° HS' 30' If 60' Vf 30' ~ rs' 7'$° Vtf' Jo"
;CJJ="S MAP.
10 vo
yt
39
ENSIGN WARD'S DEPOSITION.
[Indorsed]
P. R. O. B. T. Virginia N". 21.
VIRGINIA.
Ensign Ward's Deposition before the
Governor & Council y' 7"' of May 1754.
Rec"" with his Letter dated
y" 10'" of May 1754.
Rec^ July 2> )
Read D" ) '^^
W. 164.
M' Edward Ward Cap' Trents Ensign deposes and makes
Oath to the following Particulars, That the French first ap-
peared to him at Shanopins Town about two Miles distant
from the Fort the 17'" of April last, that they moved down
within a small distance from the Fort, Then landed their
Canoes, and marched their men in a regular manner a little
better than Gun shot of the Fort. That Le Merciera French
Officer sent by Contrecoeur the Commandant in Chief of the
French Troops came with an Indian Interpreter, called by the
Mingoes the Owl, and two Drums, one of which served for
Interpreter between Le Mercier and him ; Le Mercier pres-
ently deliver'd him the summons by the Interpreter, looked
at his watch which was about two, and gave him an hour to
fix his Resolution, telling him he must come to the French
Camp with his Determination in Writeing. He says that
half an Hour of the time allowed him, he spent in Council
(27s)
276 APPENDIX.
with the Half King, who advised him to acquaint the French
he was no Officer of Rank or invested with powers to an-
swer their Demands and requested them to Wait the Arrival
of the principal Commander. That at the time the Summons
was deliver'd to him, the Half King received a Belt of Wam-
pum much to the same purpose.
That he went accompanied with the Half King, Rob'
Roberts, a private Soldier, and John Davidson as an Indian
Interpreter, that the Half King might understand every word
he spoke at the French Camp, That he there address' d him-
self to the Chief Commander Contrecoeur and expressed
himself agreeably to the above mentioned advice of the Half
King, That the French Commander told him he should not
wait for an Answer from any other person, And absolutely
insisted on his determining what to do that Instant, or he
should immediately take Possession of the Fort by Force.
That he then observeing the number of the French, which he
judg'd to be about a Thousand and considering his own weak-
ness being but Forty one in all, whereof only Thirty three
were Soldiers, Surrender'd the Fort with Liberty obtained to
march off with everything belonging thereto by Twelve
o'clock the next Day. He says that night he was Oblieg'd to
encamp within 300 yards of the Fort with a Party of the Six
Nations who were in Company with him, That the French
Commander sent for him to Supper and ask'd many Questions
concerning the English Governments, which he told him he
could give no Answer to, being unacquainted with such affairs,
That the French Commander desired some of the Carpenters
Tools, offering any money for them, to which he answer'd he
loved his King and Country too well to part with any of them
And then retired. That next morning he received the speech
from the Half King to the Governour, And proceed'd with
all his men towards Redstone Creek where he arrived in two
ENSIGN WARD S DEPOSITION. 277
Days ; and from thence marched to Wills's Creek, where he
met with Coll' Washington and informed him of every par-
ticular which had happened, That Coll' Washington thought
fit to send back one of the Indians to the Half King with a
Speech and to Assure him of the Assistance which was
marching to him ; And by the advice of a Council of War
dispatch'd him an Express to his Honour with the other In-
dian and an Interpreter, judging him the most proper Person
having been appointed by the Half King. He moreover adds
that four days before the French came he had an Account of
their comeing, and saw a Letter that John Davison wrote to
Rob' Calender an Indian Trader to confirm the truth that
they were to be down by that time. That the Day following
he sent a Copy of Davison's Letter to Cap' Trent who was
then at Wills's Creek, and went directly himself to his lieu-
tenant who lived Eight or Ten miles up Monongahela from
the Fort at a place called Turtle Creek, it was late at night
when he got there. Accompanied by Robert Roberts, Thomas
Davison, Samuel Asdill, and an Indian, and shew'd him the
Letter, of which he sent a Copy the next Day to his Captain.
The Lieutenant told him he was well assured the French
would be down, but said what can we do in the Affair. The
morning after he sent for the Half King, and one of his Chiefs
named Serreneatta, who advised him to build a Stockade
Fort, That then he asked his Lieutenant if he would come
down to the Fort, to which he Answer'd he had a Shilling to
loose for a Penny he should gain by his Commission at that
time, and that he had Business which he could not settle
under Six Days with his Partner; That he thereupon answer'd
he would immediately go himself and have the Stockade Fort
built. And that he would hold out to the last Extremity before
it should be said that the English had retreated like Cowards
before the French Forces Appeared, and that he knowing the
278
APPENDIX.
bad consequences of his leaveing it as the rest had done would
give the Indians a very indifferent opinion of the English ever
after. He further says he had no Orders from either his
Captain, or Lieutenant how to proceed, and had the last Gate
of the Stockade Fort erected before the French appeared to
him. That he was credibly Informed by an Englishman who
attended the French Commandant that they had 300 Wooden
Canoes, and 60 Battoes and had four men to each Canoe and
Battoe, that they had also Eighteen Pieces of Cannon three
of which were nine Pounders. That the Half King stormed
greatly at the French at the Time they were oblieged to
march out of the Fort and told them it was he Order' d that
Fort and laid the first Log of it himself, but the French paid
no Regard to what he said.
Sworn to by the abovemention'd Ward before
The Governor in Council
Teste the 7'" May 1754.
N Walthoe CI. Con.
Note. — Edward Ward's son, John, served during the Revolution. He
was lieutenant in the ist, 3d and 8th Regiments, Pennsylvania Line. Mil-
itary Register. Autograph letter of Col. Bayard to John Nicholson and
receipt of Edward Ward.
LETTERS AND SPEECHES TO INDIANS.
Camp Saratoga, October 12'" 1777.'
To his Excellency John Hancock, Esqr.
Sir : — I have the satisfaction to acquaint your Excellency
with the great success of the Arms of the United States in
this Department. On the 7"" inst the Enemy attacked our
advanced Picket upon the Left, which drew on an action
about the same hour of the day and near the same spot of
Ground where that of the 19"" of September was fought.
From 3 o'clock in the afternoon till almost night the Conflict
was very warm and bloody, when the Enemy, by a precipitate
Retreat, determined the fate of the day, leaving in our hands
eight pieces of Brass Cannon, the Tents and Baggage of their
Flying Army, a large quantity of fixed Ammunition, a con-
siderable number of wounded and prisoners amongst whom
are the following principal officers, Major Williams, who com-
manded the Artillery, Major Ackland, who commanded the
Corps of Grenadiers, Captain Money Q M G and Sir Francis
Clark, principal Aid de Camp to his Excellency General Bur-
goyne. The loss upon our side is not more than (illegible)
killed and wounded, amongst the latter is the gallant Major
General Arnold, whose Leg was fractured by a Musket Ball as
he was forcing the Enemy's Breast-work.
Too much praise cannot be given to the Corps commanded
by Col. Morgan,'' consisting of his Rifle Regiment and the
Light Infantry of the Army under Major Dearborn.
' From original manuscript.
' Daniel Morgan.
(279)
28o
APPENDIX.
But it would be injustice not to say that the whole Body
engaged deserve the honour and applause due to such exalted
merit. The night after the Action the Enemy took Post in
the strong intrenched Camp on their Left General Lincoln
whose division was opposite to the Enemy going in the after-
noon to direct a Cannonade to annoy their Camp received a
Musket Ball in his Leg, which shattered the bone ; this has
deprived me of the assistance of one of the best Officers as
well as Men, his loss at this time cannot be too much
regretted. I am in hopes his leg may yet be saved.
The 9"- at Midnight, the Enemy quitted their entrench-
ments and retired to Saratoga. Early in the morning of the
9* I received the inclosed letter from General Burgoyne
acquainting me that he left his whole Hospital to my protec-
tion, in which are 300 wounded officers and soldiers.
Brigadier General Frazier who commanded the Flying
Army of the Enemy was killed the ;■'■ Inst. At one o'clock
in the morning of the 10* I received the inclosed letter from
General Burgoyne with Lady Harriott Ackland. That morn-
ing as soon as the Army could be properly put in motion, I
marched in pursuit of the Enemy and arrived here in the
Evening and found the Enemy had taken Post upon the
opposite side of the Fish-Kill in an entrenched Camp which
they occupied upon their advancing down the Country. The
Enemy have burned all the Houses before them as they
retreated. The extensive Buildings and Kills &c belonging
to Major General Schuyler are also laid in Ashes. This
shameful behaviour occasioned my sending a Drum with the
inclosed Letter to General Burgoyne.
I am happy to acquaint your Excellency that Desertion has
taken a deep Root in the Royal Army particularly among the
Germans who come to us in Shoals.
I am so much pressed on every side with business that it is
A
LETTERS AND SPEECHES TO INDIANS. 28 F
impossible for me to be more particular now, but I hope in a
few days to have leisure to acquaint your Excellency with
every circumstance at present omitted.
I am &c
Horatio Gates.
Taimenend to the xvisc Delaware Council. '
Brothers : — I know you depend on me for the truth of
every thing. I therefore send this that you may see what we
are about and that you may know every thing I have hereto-
fore told you is true.
George Morgan.
York Town, October igth, 1777
Taivienend to the wise Delaware Council
Hanover or McCclllisters Town
York County, October 20th, 1777
Brothers : — I wrote to you two days ago and I wrote to
you yesterday morning. In the afternoon about 4 o'clock an
Express arrived at York with a letter from our Northern
Army dated the 15th of this Month 10 o'clock p.m. Mr.
Hancock, President of our great Council gave me a copy of
it to send to you and I immediately set out for this place to
overtake Malachy Hays the Express by whom I sent my
other Letters. By riding hard and in the night I lost the
letter out of my Pocket, but I can tell you the contents.
Extract of a Letter from General Schuyler, dated
September 2Jth, 1777.*
Sir: — On the nth inst., about three hundred Indians (in-
cluding Men, Women and Children) of the Oneidas, Tuscaro-
' From original manuscript.
^ From original manuscript.
19
282 APPENDIX.
ras, a few Onondagoes, and Mohawks arrived here. The isth
was spent in the usual ceremony of congratulation during
which we took occasion to sound their inclinations to engage
in the war, we prepared a Speech and on the next day offered
them the War Belt which was immediately accepted by
Warriors of each Nation ; on the 17th the War Feast was
prepared ; at which the Belt was solemnly accepted by the
whole; the i8th and 19th passed in equipping them, and
being informed about ten at night of the 19th, that our Army
was engaged, and having then three of the Chief Warriors to
sup with me, Mr. Edwards and myself requested them to
march without delay, which they and many others did with
alacrity, and with such dispatch as to reach General Gates
before noon next day and by night the remainder arrived at
the Camp, making in all near one hundred and fifty ; they
have already taken about thirty Prisoners beside scalps and
intercepted some dispatches from General Burgoyne to
General Powell commanding at Ticonderoga.
The Indians have requested that the Southern ones should
be advised by us, that they have taken the Hatchet, and a
Belt will also be sent by them.
We have taken measures to induce the whole Confederacy
to join us, and have reason to believe that they will do it: if
so, we shall soon be informed of it, and I think in that case it
would be prudent to call them into Action the soonest possible
into whatever quarter their services may be most wanted.
Extract
signed Chas. Thomson.
Taimenend to the wise Delaware Council}
York Town, Oct. i8th, 1777.
Brothers and Chiefs :
The within is a Letter wrote by the wise Chief who is
' From original manuscript.
LETTERS AND SPEECHES TO INDIANS. 283
placed at Albany by Congress to take care of the Council
Fire of the Six Nations and the Americans at that place. As
it is of very great importance to all Nations, I send it to you
by a quick Runner. I submit to your wise Council what to
do with it. You may rest assured of the contents being
true.
My advice is that you immediately communicate the con-
tents to the Wiandots, Mingoes, Shawnese, Ottawas and
Chipeways. If they alter their conduct in time and take
pity on their Women and Children, it is not yet too late for
them to ask mercy. I desire to hear from you in twenty days
after you receive this and to know what the Wiandot &c
think of it. Our Great Council of America desires to give
you the strongest assurances of their Friendship and to tell
you that your wise conduct during this storm will ever make
them consider your Nation as their great Friend and Brothers.
Taimenend.'
To the Wise Coiifuil of the Delawares at Coochoching.
Brothers
I am very sorry my good friend and brother Captain Kill-
buck left me without informing me of his intention, that I
might have clothed his Children. I now send to him a white
ruffled Shirt for himself and a Callicoe one for his wife.
Brothers
I shall give you notice agreeable to my Promise in public
Council. In the mean time I am now prepared to follow
such parties of Wyandotts or others as may strike me. You
may therefore expect to see some of our young Men, and I
desire your Women and children may rest easy and not be
' The name given to Col. George Morg^an by the Indians.
284 APPENDIX.
frightened. I will pay for what Provisions they are supplied
with at any of your Towns in case they come that way.
Brothers
'Till yesterday I had no news from Philadelphia; then
an express arrived with letters and the enclosed News
Papers by which you will see the Cattle have broke down the
Pen which our Enemies said they had drove the Big Knife
into. This Pen, Brothers was made of rotten sticks, and
was easily broke down and those who made it have run off for
fear of being tramped to death.
Brothers
The English Army still continues on Board their ships at
sea. Sometimes they come and look into our river, some-
times into another, but they find us every where prepared for
them. We cannot persuade them to come eat their Dinners
at Philadelphia, as they promised they would. I suppose they
think their Broth would scald them were they to come there.
Brothers
A number of British Troops, Hessians, Canadians and
some foolish Indians from the Northward, thought they would
try to go from Canada to Albany. Our people retired a little
as they did last year from New York to Trenton. They
retired I say as far as Bennington, and there they attacked
the British Troops &c and took seven hundred and thirty-
six of them prisoners. Thirty-seven of whom were Officers.
They are now confined in New England.
Another Party of them attacked Fort Schuyler, which is
above the German Flats on the North river, in doing which
they lost four hundred of their men, killed and taken prisoners
by our people. And in every other Skirmish our people have
had they have beat our Enemies.
LETTERS AND SPEECHES TO INDIANS. 28$
Brothers
You may rest assured that what I have always told you is
; true and that our Enemies will never be able to conquer the
United States, who grow stronger and stronger every day.
I Brothers
I Two days after you receive this I desire'you will send one
'. or two of your Young Men with what news you have at your
i Towns. I request they may come on Horse back, as then
our Young Men if they meet them cannot mistake them they
can ride down to the River Side by which we shall know they
are friends. By their return I expect more good news to tell
you.
Brothers
I am determined to be strong in good Works and I will not
suffer foolish people to injure our Friendship. I desire you
will also be strong. You may depend you will soon see a
Strong man walking to the Towns of our Enemies ; as General
J Hand has told you. I am your friend and Brother.
\ Taimenend.
By Captain White Eye's cousin^
and Captain Killbuck's son.
Fort Pitt August 30"" 1777.
i
INDEX,
The Indian names are spelled as they were pronounced by different
tribes, traders and travellers of different nationalities.
Abercrombie, General, 187
Aliquippa, Queen, 86
Allegheny River, 86
Allegheny Mountains, 33
Ammunition promised to Indians, 166
Arnold, Major-General, wounded, 279
Articles of Peace, 55
Auchwick, 167, 182
Austin, Walter, 13
Baltimore, Lord, 203
Burney, Thomas, 125
Beatty, Rev. Charles, 113
Bear killed, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 72, 82
Beaver Creek, tamped on, 35, 81, 100
" Island Creek, 65
" King, 163, 172
Beaujeu, Captain, 238
Berkeley, Governor, 12
Big Bone Lick, 129
Bland, Edward, 14
Boone, Daniel, 133
Bouquet, 99, 104
Boundary disputes, 203, 239
" of lands petitioned for, 242
Braddock's Run, 137
Braddock, General, 88, 167, 183, 185
Brittain, King, 125
Bucks, two killed, 81
Buffaloes, 56, 60, 76
Bull, Captain, 174
Burgoyne, General, 279
Burwell, Colonel, Letter to Ohio Company 1751,220
Byrd, Colonel, 22
(287)
288 INDEX.
Callender, Robert, i6i
Canoe load of goods, i6o
Cargo of goods sent to the Ohio Company, 225
Catawbas, 161
Cave on the Monongahela, 71, 141
Celeron, 28, 29, 95, 107, 109
Chickoconnecon, 70
Christmas, 113
Clayborne, Colonel William, 14
Coal and slate, 61
Cockey's Cabin, 92
Collet, Captain, 17
Conditions of Grant to the Ohio Company, 227
Conewango, 27
Conhaway, 64, 74
Constitution of Ohio Company, 226
ConoUy, John, 239
Conference at Philadelphia, 171, 173, 217
" with Governor, 187
at Fort Pitt, 172, 174, 187
" " Easton, 171
" " Lancaster, 173,186
" " Carlisle, 166
" " house of Israel Pemberton, 169
Contrecoeur, 96, 150, 167
Conestoga, 174
Copy of Agreement, May 7th, 1770, 244
Council, 161
Crane, Totem, 134
Crawford, Hugh, 57, 128
Cresap, Thomas, 90, 202-205
" " house burned, 203
" " raised a company, 205
" Michael, letter from Jefferson, 205
Croghan, George, 96, 97, 108, 109, 114, 176-201
" " and Montour distribute presents, 177, 178
" " makes a treaty with the Indians, 162
" " trading house at Logstown, 176
" " appointed Indian Agent, 176
" " sent west by Governor Hamilton, 177
« " at Piqua, 178
" " wishes to leave Auchwick, 182
" " Peters' letter to, 180, 182, 187
" " asks Governor to forbid the selling of liquor to Indians,
183
" " joins Braddock, 183
INDEX.
289
Croghan, George, with Montour, 34, 44, 46, 160
writes advice to Governor Hamilton, 179, 180, 184
commissioned Captain, 185
granted freedom from arrest, 185
raises men for defense of Western frontier, 185
with Christopher Gist, 37, 44. 46, 161
resigns commission, 188 .
sent to German Flats, 170
sent to England, 188
shipwrecked, 188
Indian deed for land, 190-192
bounds of land, 190
Cross Creek, 146
Curran, Barney, 100
Cussewago, 82
Cuttaway River, 59, 60, 130
Dance, Indian, 53
Deed of confirmation for lands, 171
Deer killed, 80
De Lery, engineer, 27
Deserters from the British Army, 280
De Soto, 25
De la Salle, 26, 223
Drake, Sir Francis, 10
Du Quesne, 28
Dunbar, Colonel, 270
Easton, 171
Edmonstone, Major Charles, 239
Elks, 60, 72
Elk Eye Creek, 36, 103
Eries, 16
Fallam, Robert, 18
Fairfax, Lord, 165
Feather dance, 53
Fish, 47
Fishing Creek, 76, 145
Flood, 120
Forbes, Thomas, Journal from Public Record Office, 148
Forts erected, 184
" French, 148, 183
" built by Trent, 165
Fort Pitt, 173, 238
" Duquesne, 150, 151
290 INDEX.
Fort Augusta, 173, 175
" Johnson, 168, 169
" Le Boeuf, 147, 150
" Presqu'ile, 150
" Niagara, 149
" Harkimer, 170
" Mcintosh, loi
" Edward, 170
Fort and Town planned at Chartiers, 236
Forbes, General, 171
" " Conference at Fort Pitt, 172
Franklin, Benjamin, Address, 242
" William, 95, 271
Frazier, 80, 86, 122
" General, killed, 280
French Indians, 50
" presents to Indians, 51
" speech to Indians, 51
Friedenstadt, 108
Fry, Joshua, extract from letter, 222
Gap, Allegheny Mountains, 137
Gates, General Horatio, letter, 279
George's Creek, 80
German Flats, 170
Gibson, General John, 99
Girty, Simon, Testimony, 214, 216
Gist, Christopher, first journey, 29-66
" " employed by Ohio Company, 29
" " son's feet frozen, 72
" " report, 79
" " second journey, 67-79
" " third journey, 80-87
" " encamped on George's Creek, 80
" " instructions to, 67, 231-234
" " presents for Indians, 41
" " arrives at home, 87
" " family, 88
" " death, 88
" • " Notes on Journals, 90-158
Grantees of Land, 244
" " letter from, 245
Grant, General James, 207-209
Guess Creek, 134
Guyasuta (Kiasuta), life, 210, 213
" speech, 212
INDEX. 291
Guyasuta, son, 210
" appeal for help, 212
Half King, 81, 82, 167, 276
Hall, Richard, 65
Hamilton, Governor, 160
Hanbury, John, 224
Hancock, John, Letter to, 279
Harris, Mary, 114
" Major, 15
Hawk's Nest, 135
Hillsborough, Lord, 241
Hockhocking, 42, 116
Howard, 223
Hunter, Robert, 155
Hutchins, 102
Hurricane Tom's Town, 42
Ice in Allegheny River, 86
Indian towns, 100
Indians disown deed, 164
" cede lands, 164
" invited to Logstown, 69
" presents to, 44, 160, 177, 178
" message from Governor Penn, 44
answer, 45, 49, 50
" guide to Washington false, 85
Introductory Memoir, 9-30
James River, 11, 15
Jean Coeur, 160, 162
Johnson, Sir William, 168, 170, 174
Joliet, 26
Joncaire, 81
Junundat, 111
Kanestio houses destroyed, 174
Kanhawha River, 20, 21, 143
Kentucky, 130, 131
Keg of rum, 186
Kilgore, 160
Killbuck Island, 171
Kiskeminitas, 33
Kittanning, 106, 189
Kittochtinny Hills, 164
Kuskuskies, 81, loi
292 INDEX.
Lane, Governor Ralph, 9
Land wanted by traders, 241
" company of traders, 241
Laurel Mountains, 33
Laurel thicket, 60, 69
La Demoiselle, Fort, 124
Le Mercier, 275
Leaden plate, Pownall, 273
Le Boeuf, 28
Le Torts Creek, 75, 144
Lederer, 14
Legionville, 100
Licking Creek, 42, 71
" County, 115
Lincoln, General, wounded, 280
Logstown, 34, 81, 95, 97, 159, 160, 162, 171
" Treaty, 164
Loyal-hanne, 33, 91
Louisville, 26
Loyal-sock Creek, 175
Mackinaw, 173
Magucktown, 42, 116
Marsha, 156
Mastodon bones, 57, 129
Mason, George, 231
Margaret's Creek, 36, 105
Marquette, 26
Mercer, Hugh, 187
Meyer, Lieutenant, 112
McKee, Thomas, 172
" Alexander, 97
Miami River, 46, 47, 55, i6i
Miller's Run Gap, 92
Mingoes, 127
Mingo Castle, i8g
Monakatootha, 167
Moncton, General, 187
Monsies, 190
Monongahela, 69, 71, 77, 138
Montmorin, 99
Montour, Andrew (sometimes called Henry), 159-175
Montour's children, 169
Montour, Madame, 152-158
" captain of Indians, 159, 169
" Andrew, with Gist, 37, 44, 46
INDEX. 293
Montour, Andrew, paid for services, 163
" " war song, 169
" " chosen a counsellor by Six Nations, 165
" " messenger to Six Nations, 159, 168
" " recommended by Hamilton, 160
" " and Croghan sent to Indians, 160, 162
" " examined at Philadelphia, 167
" " sent for by Washington, 167
" " speaks to Twigtwees, 48
Montour's Run, 164
Morgan, George, 279
" " his Indian policy, 279-284
" Daniel, 279
Morris, Governor, 167
Murthering town, 81
Muskingum, 37
Negro Mountain, 138
Nemacolin, 140
Nicholas, Chief, no
Niagara, Fort, 27
Ohio Company, 220, 238
" " first petition, 224
" " second petition, 225, 226
" " opens road, 225
" " sends goods, 225
" " Gist employed, 228, 231
" " list of members, 225
" " conditions to second Petition, 226
" " bounds of, 225
" " petition granted, 231
Ohio, meaning of, 94
Old Town, 32, 90, 219
O'Hara, James, 216, 240 '
Onondaga, 165
Orme, Captain, letter, 262
OppaymoUeah, 71-78, 141
Ostuega, 155
Ottawa, 25, 36, 103
Pack horses, 161
Pamunky, 15
Panther, 72
Paroquets, 62
Pattin, John, Col., 69, 114
294 INDEX.
Paully, Ensign, H2
Pennsboro, 163
Petun Indians, 106
Peters, R., 160, 163, 165
Piankeshee, 5 1
Pickawillamy, 161
Pipe of Peace, 170
Pittsburgh, Conference at, 172
Pine Creek, 189
Pittsylvania, 244
Piqua, 126, 178
Pluggy's Town, 121
Pond Creek, 145
Poke, Cliarles, 70-140
Pontiac War raging, 98, 173, 188
Post, Christian, 94, 102, 171
Presents to Indians, i6o, 162
Presqu 'Isle, 28-172
Prisoners, Maginty and others, 132
Protestants, 263
Prevost, General, 190
Roanoke River, 9, 10
Raleigh, 10
Rappahannock, 15, 17
Rogers, Major, 173
Rye, wild, 117
Redoubt built by Bouquet, 240
Religion, 264
Road opened, 225
Salt Lick Creek, 42
" Springs, 58
" River, 130
Salley, J. P., journal, 253-260
" " taken prisoner, 255
'• " escapes, 258
" " arrives at Charlestown, 259
Salle, Sieur de la, 26, 223
Sandusky, 109
Saukon, conference at, 171
Scarroyady, 147, 166, 168
Scalps, rewards offered for, 168
Scalp Creek, 77
Scheme for a new colony in Ohio, 261-266
Schenley, Mrs., gift to D. A. R., 240
INDEX. 295
Schuyler.'General, letter, 281
Scioto, 117
Shamokin, 175
Shannopin town, 33, 34, 80, 92, 147, i68
Shannopin Chief, 93
Shannoah town, 56
Shawnee town, 44, 161
Sliingess, 81, 102, 147, 172
Shurtees Creek and Fort, 237
Shikillimy, 157, 159
Sinking Creek, 136
Smith, Robert, 58
Soh-kon, 100, 106
South Sea, 9
Spotswood, Governor, 21
Speech from Wiandots, etc., 49
" " Delawares to Twigtwees, 49
Stanwix, Treaty at, 249
" Fort, 175
Stone, Standing, 116
" letters cut on, 74
" store house, 68, 163
Stony Creek, 91
Taimenend, (Col. Morgan), address, his Indian policy, 279-284
" letter to Indians 1777, 279
Taaf, Michael, 114
Tecumseh, 127
Teedyscung, 174
Tobacco, 106
Traders, protect French deserters, 40
" captured, 108
Treaty, Winchester, 165
" Lancaster, 28-156
Trent, William, 165, 172, 245,246, 189
Turner, 160
Turtle Creek, 80
Turkey Foot, 138
"luscarowas, 103
Twigtwees, 46, 52, 54, 123, 160
Vaadalia Colony, 243
Venango, 81
Wabash, 26
Walpole, Grant, 241-244
296 INDEX,
Walker, Dr. Thomas, 24
Walpole, letter from grantees, 247
Ward, Ensign, 96, 98, 167, 275
Warrior path, 61, 90
Washington, 80, 84, 96, 167,268
Wayne, General, 100
Weiser, 155,^59, 163
Wharton, Samuel, 241-244
White Woman's Creek, 41, 114
Wheeling, 145
Wills' Creek, 80, 87, 147
Windaughalah, 119
Wood, Major, 14, 18
Wood's River, 21
Wyandot's Town, 105, 161
Yadkin, 66, 136
Youghiogheny, 138
Zeisberger, 103, 113
Zinzendorf, 155, 156, 175
10
^
0.\ AUG /I
C%\l988/'^^
V'i
dO^t
I
CO.